Research Abstracts
and Documents
“D’Orient en Occident:
les recueils de fables enchâssées
avant les Mille et une nuits”
Colloque international
Université de Genève, 6-8 mai 2010.
Madeleine Jeay (McMaster University):
“La mise en scène du narrateur dans le prologue du Roman des
sept sages de Rome (manuscrit Paris, BnF fr. 1553)”:
Dans le prologue de la version du Roman des
sept sages de Rome du manuscrit de Paris, BnF fr. 1553, le narrateur
déploie plusieurs stratégies narratives typiques des auteurs
médiévaux. La plus évidente, car elle s’impose
dès le premier vers, est d’adopter, comme dans ses interventions
au cours du texte, le masque du jongleur et de feindre la performance
orale. La seconde s’inscrit dans ce cadre : l’adoption d’une posture de
rivalité à l’égard de rivaux que l’on se propose
de surpasser. Dans la mesure où cette attitude de confrontation
caractérise le contenu même du Roman des sept sages
et l’échange de récits qui le composent, on observe entre
le texte et le paratexte une relation de mise en abyme. Celle-ci est confirmée
par l’enchâssement d’un récit dans le prologue, celui d’Orphée
et d’Eurydice, et par le commentaire misogyne qui en est fait. Elle l’est
aussi par la prétention à faire œuvre nouvelle qui, au-delà
du caractère topique d’une telle affirmation, ouvre sur la problématique
du rapport à la tradition, qu’il s’agisse des topoi rhétoriques
concentrés dans le prologue ou des histoires enchâssées
du roman.
Je me propose d’observer, par une analyse fine
du prologue, les liens établis par le narrateur d’une part avec
le texte qu’il introduit et de l’autre avec l’intertexte de la topique paratextuelle.
© Madeleine Jeay
Karla Mallette (University of Michigan):
“Le Roman des sept sages: au-delà de la coupe mortelle”:
Le Roman des sept sages – et son ancêtre
narratif, le Livre de Sindibad – sont uniques parmi les récits
enchâssés transmis de l’Orient à l’Occident, dans
leur accent sur le rapprochement entre la narration et la mort. Plus précisément,
ces œuvres représentent la narration en tant qu’un moyen de menacer
des autres ou de se défendre de la menace de la mort. Ils partagent
cette formation narrative avec deux autres récits enchâssés
: le premier, un récit arabe populaire dont on ne connait aucune
traduction médiévale en langue européenne – les Mille
et une nuits – et l’autre un chef d’oeuvre italien du quatorzième
siècle, le Décaméron de Boccace.
Dans cette communication je me propose de discuter
l’architecture narrative du Roman des sept sages en mettant l’accent
sur deux thèmes, l’un, textuel et l’autre, historique. J’analyserai
les liens inextricables entre le récit et (la menace de) la mort
dans les Sept sages, et dans les textes structurellement plus similaires
à cette œuvre - les Mille et une nuits et le Décaméron.
Je poserai également la question de l’absence de cette thématique
dans d’autres récits encadrés médiévaux.
Et je proposerai que la structure narrative encadrée pourrait servir
de « cumulative technology » telle que la définit John
Wansbrough, une hypothèse qu’il avance dans son livre Lingua
Franca in the Mediterranean pour expliquer la transmission des connaissances
bureaucratiques et mercantiles entre les langues à travers la Méditerranée
médiévale. © Karla Mallette
Nancy Oddo (Université Paris III–Sorbonne
nouvelle): “Les suites françaises de Barlaam et Josaphat
et du Roman des sept sages: enjeux des réécritures
de romans orientaux en France au temps de la Réforme catholique”:
Dans le cadre de ce colloque, je voudrais explorer
deux cas précis de réécritures de romans à
tiroirs de tradition orientale qui ressurgissent dans la littérature
française à partir de la seconde moitié du XVIe
siècle et jusqu’aux XVIIe-XVIIIe siècles. Le premier cas
est celui de l’Histoire de Barlaam et de Josaphat qui connaît
à partir de 1574 sous la plume du prieur chartreux Jean de Billy
une série remarquable de rééditions en langue vernaculaire
comme en latin, ainsi qu’une réécriture en 1642 par le jésuite
Antoine Girard. Le second cas est celui d’une version italienne (version
I) du Roman des sept sages dont l’adaptation française connaît
une grande vogue à partir de 1572 et jusqu’en 1639 sous le titre
d’Histoire pitoyable du Prince Erastus, fils de Diocletien Empereur de
Romme. Les recueils de récits enchâssés de tradition
orientale génèrent en effet deux formes génériques
qui émergent précisément au temps de la Réforme
catholique en France : l’histoire pieuse et l’histoire piteuse.
Ces formes narratives, qui se développent
simultanément à la fin du XVIe et déclinent dès
la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle, affichent toutes deux
un objectif édifiant présidé par la réforme
tridentine. L’enchâssement des récits participe grandement
à cette entreprise de conversion en douceur par les voies du romanesque.
Néanmoins, si la réécriture de l’hagiographie qui
met en scène Barlaam et Josaphat s’éclaire dans le
contexte de la Réforme catholique, nous verrons qu’elle engage aussi
une idéologie politico-religieuse beaucoup plus proche de la virulence
ligueuse que de la dévotion civile à laquelle elle semble
se rattacher à première vue. Ce sont donc les liens entre
l’histoire dévote et l’histoire tragique nées de ces réécritures
de romans d’origine orientale que je souhaite scruter pour en dégager
les enjeux véritables. © Nancy Oddo
Mary B. Speer (Rutgers University): “What
Ails the Sodomite King of Egypt? Senescalcus in the K [Version
of the] Sept sages de Rome”:
On a first reading, the brief version of Senescalcus
that the queen tells in the K verse redaction of the Sept sages de
Rome appears both incoherent and unpersuasive in its exemplarity.
Seemingly extraneous details, like the homosexuality of the king of Egypt
and the cure he undergoes, divert our attention from the greedy seneschal
whose dual betrayal anchors the plot and provides the moral the queen wishes
to draw. A closer comparative reading suggests a more intricate construction
that makes the incoherence meaningful to an audience alert to the gender
dynamics of the frame romance. This talk will explore the rhetorical strategy
of a double subversion that structures the K version of Senescalcus:
the queen’s reworking of an antifeminist analogue in the Sept sages
tradition and the implicit undercutting of her tale by the redactor, who
casts her as an unreliable woman narrator. ©
Mary B. Speer
Libro de los engaños
e asayamientos de las mugeres
Hancock, Zennia Désirée. “The Spanish Shahrazad
and her Entourage: The Powers of Storytelling Women in Libro de los engaños
de las mujeres.” Diss. University of Maryland (College Park) 2004. [AB
88-2004]
Abstract: The anonymous Libro de los
engaños e asayamientos de las mugeres is a collection of exempla
consisting of a frame tale and twenty-three interpolated tales. It forms
part of the Seven Sages/Sindibad cycle, shares source material with
the Arabic Alf layla wa layla (A Thousand and One Nights),
and was ordered translated from Arabic into Romance by Prince Fadrique of
Castile in 1253. In the text, females may be seen as presented according
to the traditional archetypes of Eve and the Virgin Mary; however, the ambivalence
of the work allows that it be interpreted as both misogynous and not, which
complicates the straightforward designation of its female characters as "good"
and "bad." Given this, the topos of Eva/Ave as it applies
to this text is re-evaluated. The reassessment is effected by exploring the
theme of ambivalence and by considering the female characters as hybrids
of both western and eastern tradition. The primary female character of the
text, dubbed the "Spanish Shahrazad," along with other storytelling women
in the interpolated tales, are proven to transcend binary paradigms through
their intellect, which cannot be said to be inherently either good or evil,
and which is expressed through speech acts and performances. Chapter I reviews
the historical background of Alfonsine Spain and the social conditions of
medieval women, and discusses the portrayal of females in literature, while
Chapter II focuses on the history of the exempla, the Libro
de los engaños, and critical approaches to the text,
and then identifies Bakhtin's theory of the carnivalesque and Judith Butler's
speech act theory of injurious language as appropriate methodologies, explaining
how both are nuanced by feminist perspectives. A close reading of the text
demonstrates how it may be interpreted as a misogynous work. Chapter III
applies the theoretical tools in order to problematise the misogynous reading
of the text and to demonstrate the agency of its female speaker-performers;
the analysis centres on the Spanish Shahrazad, who represents a female subjectivity
that transcends binary depictions of women and represents a holistic ideal
of existence that is reflected in the calculated, harmonized use of both
her intellect and corporeality. © Zennia Désirée
Hancock.
Excerpted from
Biaggini, Olivier. “Quelques enjeux de l’exemplarité
dans le Calila e Dimna et le Sendebar.” Cahiers de
narratologie 12 (2005).
Read the full article at <http://revel.unice.fr/cnarra/document.html?id=28>
Calila e Dimna
L’histoire de la transmission du Calila
est bien connue dans ses grandes lignes. L’œuvre dérive de récits
indiens d’inspiration bouddhique qui mettent en scène des animaux,
qui furent composés en sanskrit dans les premiers siècles
de notre ère, et dont la diffusion a dû être aussi
bien orale qu’écrite. Ces récits ont eux-mêmes été
regroupés assez tôt en collections nommées tantras
dont le but affiché était de proposer aux princes des règles
de conduite et de bon gouvernement. L’une de ces collections qui est
parvenue jusqu’à nous, le Panchatantra ou «livre
des cinq tantras» (IIIe siècle), a fourni à la tradition
du Calila, directement ou indirectement, une bonne part de sa matière
narrative. À partir de la version sanskrite primitive, le texte
a trouvé sa place dans d’autres cultures grâce à
des traductions en diverses langues, comme le syriaque ou le tibétain,
et surtout le persan (pahlevi) qui a permis à son tour la transmission
de l’œuvre au monde musulman. En effet, au VIIIe siècle, un Perse
islamisé de Bagdad, Muhamad Ibn al-Muqaffa’, personnage dont
nous gardons des traces historiques précises, compose une traduction
arabe qui allait être vouée à une diffusion immense
dans le monde musulman: le Kalila wa Dimna. On n’a pas conservé
la version persane originale mais, au terme du prologue de sa traduction
arabe, Ibn al-Muqaffa’ en atteste l’existence. Par ailleurs, dans une
deuxième pièce liminaire, il attribue cette version à
un sage persan, Borzouyeh (qui deviendra Berzebuey dans la version castillane),
médecin et philosophe. Ce Borzouyeh, sur l’ordre du roi Chosroes,
aurait entrepris un grand voyage en Inde au terme duquel il aurait rapporté
des livres, dont l’œuvre qui nous occupe, qu’il aurait traduite du sanskrit
au persan. Cette deuxième pièce liminaire de l’œuvre est
tout entière consacrée au récit de cette quête
de sagesse qui s’achève par la découverte et la translation
du livre. En toute logique, le récit devait apparaître déjà
dans la version persane perdue. Enfin, Ibn al-Muqaffa’ fait précéder
le corps de l’œuvre d’une troisième pièce liminaire qui elle
est, au moins en partie, directement imputable et qui consiste en une autobiographie
fictive de Borzouyeh: à partir des événements de sa
vie, le médecin livre, à la première personne, une
réflexion désabusée sur la foi et sa fragilité,
où résonne un scepticisme religieux qui pourrait bien, pour
une bonne part, être davantage celui d’Ibn al-Muqaffa lui-même.
C’est cette structure que l’on retrouve dans la première traduction
de l’œuvre dans une langue occidentale, le Calila e Dimna castillan
(introduction d’Ibn al-Muqaffa’; récit du voyage sapientiel de Borzouyeh-Berzebuey
en Inde et de l’invention de l’œuvre; récit autobiographique de Berzebuey).
La traduction castillane ne reçoit pas de nouveau prologue de la
main de son traducteur mais porte tout de même la marque de son promoteur
dans l’explicit d’un des manuscrits conservés (ms. A):
Aquí se acaba el libro de Calina et Digna. Et fue
sacado de arávigo en latín, et romançado por
mandado del infante don Alfonso, fijo del muy noble rey don Fernando,
en la era de mill et dozientos et noventa et nueve años. El libro
es acabado. Dios sea sienpre loado.
Ici s’achève le livre le Calila e Digna. Il fut tiré
de l’arabe en latin et mis en roman par ordre de l’infant Alphonse,
fils du très noble roi Ferdinand, l’année de l’ère
hispanique de 1299. Le livre est achevé. Que Dieu en soit loué
pour toujours.
L’explicit désigne donc l’infant Alphonse
(futur Alphonse X, fils de Ferdinand III de Castille et León) comme
le commanditaire de la traduction. Malgré ce que laisse apparemment
entendre cette déclaration, presque tous les critiques s’accordent
aujourd’hui pour considérer que la traduction du Calila
s’est faite directement à partir du texte arabe (ce qu’indique
sa remarquable fidélité à la lettre du texte original).
De même, on ne saurait déduire de l’explicit que
la date de la traduction est 1299 de l’ère hispanique, soit 1261
de l’ère chrétienne, pour la bonne raison qu’Alphonse n’était
plus infant en 1261 (il monte sur le trône en 1252, à la
mort de son père). La critique considère que le manuscrit
comporte une erreur et qu’il faut comprendre 1289, date renvoyant à
1251 de l’ère chrétienne. Quelles que soient les circonstances
précises de la traduction, elle donne naissance à une version
alphonsine de l’œuvre, que nous conservons à travers deux manuscrits.
C’est cette version qui a permis, au tout premier chef, l’entrée
en Espagne de contes orientaux en langue vernaculaire. On retrouve certains
de ces contes, réélaborés ou croisés avec d’autres
sources, sous la plume de grands auteurs du XIVe siècle tels don
Juan Manuel et l’Archiprêtre de Hita. En revanche, la popularité
européenne de la collection a été assurée
par une autre version, le Directorium humanae vitae de Jean de
Capoue (fin du XIIIe siècle ou début du XIVe siècle)
qui dérive du Kalila wa Dimna arabe par l’intermédiaire
d’une traduction en hébreu. À la fin du XVe siècle,
le Directorium fait revenir le texte dans l’aire culturelle péninsulaire
grâce à traduction castillane, imprimée pour la première
fois à Saragosse en 1493, intitulée Exemplario contra los
engaños y peligros del mundo, et qui donnera lieu à d’assez
nombreuses éditions tout au long du XVIe siècle. Malgré
l’existence de cette branche occidentale de l’œuvre, le nombre de traductions
dans des langues européennes vernaculaires est resté très
limité.
Sendebar
Il n’en va pas de même pour le Sendebar,
dont la fortune littéraire a été assurée
aussi bien par une branche orientale primitive que par une branche occidentale
postérieure. Les origines orientales de l’œuvre sont mal connues.
On ne sait toujours pas aujourd’hui si l’œuvre primitive a été
écrite en sanskrit, en persan ou en hébreu. La théorie
qui semble prévaloir met en parallèle la tradition du Sendebar
et celle d’autres recueils d’origine orientale (notamment le Calila
et le Barlaam e Josafat) pour considérer que l’œuvre a
été produite en Perse à partir d’un matériau
en grande partie indien. La difficulté provient du fait que nous
ne conservons que des versions tardives dans chacune de ces traditions
(la branche orientale se compose de versions en persan, hébreu,
syriaque, grec, arabe [Les sept vizirs, intégré aux
Mille et une nuits] et castillane qui, toutes, dériveraient
d’un intermédiaire arabe). Toutes ces versions ont entre elles des
similitudes certaines, mais leurs contes varient ici et là, et elles
tirent le plus souvent leur titre du nom du sage chargé de l’éducation
du prince: Sindibad en arabe, Sindabar en hébreu, Syntipas en grec,
Çendubete en castillan. En ce qui concerne la version castillane,
le prologue révèle clairement qui a été son
commanditaire, l’infant Fadrique, frère du roi Alphonse X, et,
par lui, le livre se déclare directement issu d’une version arabe:
Plogo et tovo por bien que aqueste libro fuese trasladado
de arávigo en castellano para aperçebir a los engañados
e los asayamientos de las mugeres. Este libro fue trasladado en noventa
e un años.
Il lui a plu et paru bon que ce livre fût traduit
de l’arabe en castillan pour mettre en garde contre les tromperies et les
manigances des femmes. Et ce livre a été traduit en l’année
91.
De cette mention découle l’autre titre que
l’on donne couramment au Sendebar : Libro de los engaños
(Livre des tromperies). La date de la traduction (1291), une
fois convertie dans le calendrier de l’Incarnation, donne 1253, soit deux
ans après la date supposée de la traduction du Calila.
Parce qu’il provient directement de l’arabe, le Sendebar castillan
appartient à la branche orientale de la tradition. À cette
arborescence primordiale de la tradition, s’oppose une branche occidentale,
dite des Sept sages, issue de plusieurs traductions latines, réalisées
dès le XIIe siècle, dont le fameux Liber de septem sapientibus
à partir duquel ont été réalisées la
plupart des versions vernaculaires européennes. La plus ancienne
est la française (Les sept sages de Rome) mais il en existe
dans une dizaine d’autres langues. Là encore, la branche occidentale
n’exclut pas l’Espagne puisque, outre une version catalane, les Sept
sages ont produit plusieurs versions castillanes tardives, dont la
Novella de Diego de Cañizares dans la seconde moitié
du XVe siècle (une adaptation de la Scala Coeli de Jean Gobi,
mais à la manière du Décameron de Boccace).
D’une manière générale, les textes latins tels le
Liber de septem sapientibus et d’autres (le Dolopathos sive de
rege et septem sapientibus, de la fin XIIe siècle ou
du début du XIIIe siècle) ont permis une diffusion immense
du texte dans toute l’Europe médiévale et moderne. Une remarque
s’impose cependant: dans la branche occidentale, la plupart des contes
orientaux n’ont pas été transmis. Seuls 4 des 23 contes du
Sendebar castillan se retrouvent dans la branche occidentale, ce
qui révèle à quel point l’œuvre a été
modifiée dans son passage de l’Orient à l’Occident. En fait,
la transformation n’affecte pas profondément la structure essentielle,
c’est-à-dire le cadre narratif. Celui-ci a joué son rôle
de cadre rigide jusque dans les évolutions dues à la transmission
du texte: les contes enchâssés dans le cadre ont été
considérés comme interchangeables, ce qui explique la disparition
de certains d’entre eux au cours de la transmission.
In his thesis (Rome University "La Sapienza") Roberto
Adinolfi examines
Sofronij Vračanski’s
1802 Bulgarian translation of the Greek Syntipas
and compares it with the Greek model.
His thessis is entitled "Sofronij
Vračanski e la rinascita culturale bulgara tra il XVIII e gli inizi del XIX
sec."
Sofronij Vračanski (Sophronius of Vraca, 1739-1813)
was bishop of Vraca.
His hand-written translation is being
held in the Kiril and Metodi National Library in Sofia.
Sofronij Vračanski’s
translation was copied by hand in 1850 by Pop Krastjo
Pop Atanasov, of Razgrad (same library). Sofronij Vračanski’s translation was published
in vol. I of Sacinenija v dva toma, Sofia, 1989.
The earliest published translation dates from 1844, by
Hristaki Pavlovic (Kiril and Metodi National
Library, Sofia, and National Library, Zagreb). (Skowronski
and Marinescu [AB 55-1992], passim).
Sofronij Vracanski
was an influential figure of the Bulgarian National Revival; we owe him the
first translations of several works, in his effort to acculturate the Bulgarian
people and emancipate them from Turkish domination. Our cycle of the Seven
Sages is part of his cultural program which aims to accustom the Bulgarian
people to read seculare and exotic literature (Roberto Adinolfi).
Mishle Sendebar
Natali Wienstein. “'Life and Death are in the Power of the 'Woman’: Parables
of Sendebar, Version MS Vatican 100: Edition and Analysis.” M.A. Thesis.
Tel-Aviv University 2009.
From the Abstract
In this thesis I suggest an interpretation
of one of the versions of
Mishle Sendebar, preserved
in MS. Vatican 100. This version was written in Hebrew by an anonymous
copyist in the 15th century, in South-East Europe or the Middle
East (there are no inconclusive pieces of evidence). This unique
text, which was rediscovered by Morris Epstein sixty years ago, is
a cultural asset of the Hebrew storytelling art. It calls for a methodological
perspective that incorporates tools of folklore and folktale research
as well as the tools of comparative literature such as intertextuality
and gender and feminist theory. My analysis suggests several analytical
directions in understanding this work and points to some new conclusions.
In the first part of the thesis the text
is deciphered and copied, in full, from MS. Vatican 100,
held in the Apostolic Library. The text is clarified, corrected
and compared with other versions of the work. The Vatican 100 version
is unique in the
Mishle Sendebar tradition and differs
from the other Hebrew versions that are at our disposal. Many of
the work's chapters are more elaborate here than in other manuscripts,
and the language is more poetic. The preparation of this version
included adding another apparatus that relates to the intertextuality
of the work. I explain why this is an important enhancement of the
artistic value of the Vatican 100 version. The copying and exceptionalness
of the work is a central part of my research, since they point to
creative innovation.
In the second part of my essay I analyze
the text with a focus on three major themes:
A. The work in its cultural context:
the time and place in which it was created, told and copied.
Here the studies of Morris Epstein and Yossef Dan will
be discussed. Furthermore, a part of this discussion will be
dedicated to other elements of medieval folktale research.
B. A short discussion of the intertextual
apparatus of the text, accompanied by examples from the text,
and initial applications of modern narratological theories.
C. Discussion of the female characters.
The themes raise many questions concerning
the poetics of the copyist-writer of MS. Vatican 100, since
many factors – historical, literary, and inter-cultural – were
involved in its creation. Although it is written in Hebrew, its
essence and its origins come from non-Jewish folk literature. The
work should be examined as a folk-creation of multiple authors as
well as multiple origins. From a historical point of view, little
is known about the "material life" in the Middle Ages. Researching aspects
of popular culture, which had a profound influence on the work, proved
difficult since, apart from the surviving texts, little evidence
can be found
. There is also the problem
of understanding the medieval notion of subjectivity and the way
the subject was constructed by writers and story-tellers of the time.
Consequently, the text raises the problem of how to analyze pre-modern
works using modern tools of analysis.
Since we have no concrete information
about wheere and when it was copied, our reading of the work
has a limited cultural context, and therefore is anachronistic
and based on personal interpretations. During the last decades,
there have occurred numerous feminist and gender readings of many
of the canonized texts from various times. In the part dedicated to
a gendered reading of the text, I suggest that reading it as a misogynist
piece of writing will miss its poetic qualities, its grace, its importance
and its female voice. All this, I think, is hidden in the work. This
is why I choose to focus on an integrated perspective, and not just
on the feminist one, a perspective that criticizes the misogynist
aspect and examines rather both the male and the female characters.
The copyist-writer gave the work a whole
new generic setting. By intensifying the tension and drama,
he makes it slip from an
exemplum-genre prose work
to something resembling romance, with a more complex content that
is not usual in a classic folktale. The distinctions between "good"
and "bad", "positive" and "negative" are blurred in the characterizations.
My reading is based, first and foremost, on the gap between
the morality as stated by the male characters acting within
the frame-narrative, and what is implied in the stories they
tell. On the surface, the stories warn against women’s treachery
and cunning, their lack of morals and wisdom. Whereas we learn from
the stories about the wide verity of female ways and characters
and that almost all of them are characterized by wisdom and wit, their
motives are often different, even opposed to those stated by the men.
The multiplicity of female representations allows deviation from
the female stereotypes that were widespread in medieval Europe, and
enables the creation of a complex female character, a character that
can be greedy or cunning and at the same time humble and modest; a
woman can be educated and knowledgeable and at the same time treacherous.
The male characters, on the contrary, are not as well-rounded as the
female ones; they are one-dimensional, designed according to culturally
stereotypical codes, and cannot be contradictory.
Whether through the personal thematic
and poetic choices made by the copyist-writer, or through
the multiple representations that reflect the "multiple existence"
of the folktale, MS. Vatican 100 exposes a wide diapason of voices
and stands, which exceed the patriarchal misogynist cultural boundaries.
Versions of folktales
are as abundant as their tellers. Each particular storyteller
gets an opportunity to tell a known story within a new context.
The repetition of the "old story" involves changes, additions,
omissions. The " new story" can include the original "old" one and at
the same time object to its content and themes and read them in a
subversive manner. A retold story is always a "new story" and not
an exact copy of the prior or popular version. MS. Vatican 100 contains
traces of various connotations and unique voices (for example female
voices), and their extraction is possible through the thematic elements
and the structure of the work.
Assassinus:
John Mandeville's "Old Man of the Mountain"
(see also infra 1
and infra 2)
Versions:
1. Koran, surahs 18.30-31, 56.12-24, and 56.27-38.
2. Polo, Marco.
The Travels. Trans. Ronald Latham.
Penguin Books, 1958. And numerous other editions.
3. Pollard, A. W., ed. The Journal of Friar Odoric
[da Pordenone]. 326-362 in The Travels of Sir John Mandeville
[...]. London:Macmillan, 1900. Rpt. New York: Dover
Publications, 1964.
4. Ibn Khallikan (13th cent.): 226-228 in Metlitzki,
Dorothee [830-1977].
The Matter of Araby in Medieval
England. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977.
5. John Mandeville (14th cent.):
a. Kohanski, Tamarah, ed. The Book of John
Mandeville: An Edition of the Pynson Text. Tempe: Arizona Center
for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2001.
b. Itinerarius domini Johannis de Mandeville
militis, MS. Madrid, National Library I-381 (Vulgate version,
Latin incunable, ca. 1485),
c. Four Spanish editions:
i. Libro de las marauillas
del mundo [...]. Valencia: Jorge Costilla, 1521.
ii. Libro de las marauillas
del mundo [...]. Valencia:, 1524.
iii. Libro de las marauillas
del mundo [...]. Valencia: Juan Navarro, 1540.
iv. Libro de las marauillas
del mundo [...]. Alcalá de Henares, 1547.
d. MS. London, British Library, Cotton Titus.c.xvi
(15th cent.) (Pinto lists [p. 69] five editions from 1725
to 1967)
e. MS. Escorial M iii 7-115 iii-Est. 15.4
(14th cent.), ed. Pilar Liria-Montañés, Libro de
las maravillas del mundo de Juan de Mandevilla, Saragossa:
Caja de Ahorros de Zaragoza,
Aragón y Rioja, 1979. (Pinto lists [p. 70] one further edition
from 2001)
Source:
Pinto (830-2005), Ana.
Mandeville’s
Travels: A Rihla
in Disguise. Linea 300, 24.
Madrid: Editorial Complutense, 2005. 74 p. ISBN 84-7491-769-7.
Five Texts:
(trans. Latham 70-72)
The Old Man [called Alaodin] gave his men to understand
that this garden was Paradise. That is why he had made it after this
pattern, because Mahomet assured the Saracens that those who go to
Paradise will have beautiful women to their hearts' content to
do their bidding, and will find there rivers of wine and milk and honey
and water. [...] and the Saracens of this country believed that
it really was Paradise. [...] And the Old Man kept with him at his court
all the youths of the country from twelve years old to twenty, all, that
is, who shaped well as men at arms. These youths knew well by hearsay that
Mahomet their prophet had declared Paradise to be made of such a fashion
as I have described [...] When the Old Man wanted emissaries to send
on some mission of murder, he would administer the drug to as many as
he pleased; and while they slept he had them carried into his palace.
When these youths awoke and found themselves in the castle within the
palace, they were amazed and by no means glad, for the Paradise from which
they had come was not a place that they would ever willingly have left
[...]. When he asked them whence they came, they would answer that they
came from Para¬dise, and that this was in truth the Paradise of which
Mahomet had told their ancestors […]. And the others who heard this and
had not been there were filled with a great long¬ing to go to this Paradise;
they longed for death so that they might go there, and looked forward eagerly
to the day of their going.
When the Old Man desired the death of some great lord,
he would first try an experi¬ment to find out which of his Assassins
were the best. He would send some off on a mis¬sion in the neighbourhood
at no great distance with orders to kill such and such a man [...].
Then, in order to bring about the death of the lord or other man which
the Old Man desired he would take some of these Assassins of his and
send them wherever he might wish, telling them that he was minded to
dispatch them to Paradise: they were to go accordingly and kill such
and such man; if they died on their mission, they would go there all the
sooner. Those who received such a command obeyed it with a right good
will, more readily than anything else they might have been called on to
do.
(Pinto 60)
2. Odorico da Pordenone: Itinerarius
de mirabilibus orientalium Tartarorum (1329-30)
(ed. Pollard 356-357)
Travelling on further towards the South, I arrived
at a certain country called Melistorte, which is a very pleasant
and fertile place. And in this country there was a certain aged man
called Senex de monte, who round about two mountains had built
a wall to enclose the said mountains. Within this wall there were the fairest
and most crystal fountains in the whole world: and about the said
fountains there were most beau¬tiful virgins in great number, and
goodly horses also, and in a word, everything that could be devised for
bodily solace and delight, and therefore the inhabitants of the country call
the same place by the name of Paradise. The said Old Senex, when
he saw any proper and valiant young man, he would admit him into his paradise.
Moreover by certain conduits he makes wine and milk to flow abundantly. This
Senex, when he hash a mind to revenge himself or to slay any king
or baron, commandeth him that is governor of the said paradise, to
bring thereunto some of the acquaintance of the said king or baron, permitting
him a while to take his pleasure therein, and then to give him a certain
potion being of force to cast him into such a slumber as should make him
quite void of all sense, and so being in a profound sleep to convey him
out of his paradise: who being awaked, and seeing himself thrust out of
the paradise would come so sorrowful, that he could not in the world devise
what to do, or whither to turn him. Then would he go unto the foresaid old
man, beseeching him that he might be admitted again into his paradise: who
saith unto him, You cannot be admitted thither, unless you will slay such
or such a man for my sake, and if you will give the attempt only, whether
you kill him or no, I will place you again in paradise, that there you
may remain always.
(Pinto 60-61)
(Odoric was a Franciscan missionary who traveled by
sea to Beijing from Padua [c. 1318] and returned by an overland route by
1330. His account of the Valley of the Assassins occupies ll. 2492-2500 of
his
Itinerarius. From Tamarah Kohanski and C. David Benson [830-2007],
eds.,
The Book of John Mandeville. Consortium for
the Teaching of the Middle Ages (TEAMS), Middle English Texts
Series. Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2007.
P. 137-138)
(The
Itinerarius was translated into French in 1351
by
Jean le
Long d'Ypres,
Le yteneraire Odric de Foro Julii; edited
in
Les voyages en Asie au XIVe siècle du bienheureux Odoric
de Pordenone, religieux de Saint-François, by Henri Cordier,
Paris, 1891)
3. Ibn Khallikan
(ed. Melitzki 226-228)
He [the chief Ismail] divided the extreme ends of
the garden into four parts, in the first there was a quince and pears
and apples and figs and grapes and mul¬berry and prunes and crab-apple
anf jujube and cherries and apricots and sycamore-figs and carobs. And
in the second part citrons and oranges, and lemons and sour pomegran¬ates
and sweet fruit and mastic, and in the third part watermelon and four
sorts of cucumber and cabbage of all kinds and in the fourth part there
were roses and jasmin and privet and palm-trees and narcissus and aromatic
plants and violets and lilies and anemones and eglantine and camomiles.
And rills of water meandered through the whole of the garden, and he
laid around the pavilion meadows and pools, and he planted on its sites
all kind of trees where he placed gazelle and ostriches and wild asses and
wild cows and oxen, and wandering at random from the pools were geese and
ducks and Ethiopean pheasants and quails and partridges and there were also
hares.
When night came he looked around at the men and saw which
of them possessed a steadiness that aroused admiration, and then
said to him: «Oh So-and-So, come here and sit by my side»,
[...] and he bestowed the cup on him and he gave him to drink and he
told of the virtues of the Imam 'Ali [..] and the chief Isma'il did not
complete his narration until the one sitting by his side fell asleep
and after a quarter of an hour, the drug began to work in the man and
he fell down, and when he lay prostrate the Chief Isma'il [ ... ] carried
him on his shoulders and put him in the subterranean passage leading
to the garden, and [..] brought him to the pavilion in which he was received
by the youths and young slave-girls [..1. When the young man awoke the
youths who were at his service said: «And we are only awaiting your
death and this is the place which is yours and this is the palace of the
palaces of Paradise and we are, the houris and the children of paradise
and if you were dead you would be with us, but you are sleeping and the
hour has come for your awaken¬ing». [...] Then the Chief Isma'il
took a goblet and put in it hashish and gave it him to drink, and when
he fell asleep he took him up and carried him through the subterranean passage
into the rooms in the mansion, and when he awoke he saw himself among the
same companions in the place where he was before.
(Pinto 61)
(Ibn Khallikan's Kitab Wafayat Ulayn is a late 13th-cent.
collection popularly known as The Obituaries of Eminent Men
or The Biographical Dictionary. It includes a biography of
Hassan ibn Sabbah (Catholonabeus), the master of the Assassins. From
Tamarah Kohanski and C. David Benson [830-2007], eds. The Book
of John Mandeville. Consortium for the Teaching of the Middle
Ages (TEAMS), Middle English Texts Series. Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute
Publications, 2007. P. 140)
4. MS. Cotton Titus.c.xvi
(ed. Pollard, The Travels 183-184)
There was dwelling,
sometime,
a rich man; and it is not long since; and men
clept him Gathonolabes. And he was full of cautels and of subtle deceits.
And he had a full fair castle and a strong in a mountain,
so strong and so noble, that no man could devise a fairer ne stronger.
And he had let mure all the moun¬tain about with a strong wall
and a fair. And within those walls he had the fairest garden that any
man might behold. And therein were trees bearing all manner of fruits,
that any man could devise. And therein were also all manner virtuous herbs
of good smell, and all other herbs also that bear fair flowers. And he
had also in that garden many fair wells; and beside those wells he had
let make fair halls and fair chambers, depainted all with gold and azure;
and there were in that place many diverse things, and many diverse stories:
and of beasts, and of birds that sung full delectably and moved by craft,
that it seemed that they were quick. And he had also in his garden all manner
of fowls and of beasts that any man might think on, for to have play or sport
to behold them. And he had also, in that place, the fairest damsels that
might be found, under the age of fifteen vears, and the fairest
young striplings that men might get, of that same age. And all
they were clothed in cloths of gold, full richly. And he said that those
were angels.
And he had also let make
three wells, fair and noble and all environed with stone of jasper,
of crystal, diapered with gold, and set with precious stones and
great orient pearls. And he had made a conduit under earth, so that
the three wells, at his list, one should run milk, another wine and
another honey. And that place he clept Paradise.
And when that any good
knight, that was hardy and noble, came to see this royalty, -he
would lead him into his paradise, and show him these wonderful things
to his disport, and the marvellous and delicious song of diverse birds,
and the fair damsels, and the fair wells of milk, of wine and of honey,
plenteously running. And he would let make divers instruments of music
to sound in an high tower, so merrily, that it was joy for to hear;
and no man should see the craft thereof. And those, he said, were angels
of God, and that place was Paradise, that God had behight to his friends,
saying, dabo vobis terramfluentem lacte et melle.
And then would he make
them to drink of certain drink, whereof anon they should be drunk.
And then would them think greater delight than they had before. And
then would he say to them, that if they would die for him and for his
love, that after their death they should come to his paradise; and they
should be of the age of those damosels, and they I should play with them,
and yet be maidens. And after that yet should he I put them in a fairer
paradise, where that they should see God of nature visibly, in his
I majesty and in his bliss. And then would he shew them his intent,
and say them, that if they would go slay such a lord, or such a man
I that was his enemy or contrarious to his list, that they should not
dread to do it and C for to be slain therefore themselves. For after their
death, he would put them into another paradise, that was an hundred-fold
fairer than any of the tother; and there should they dwell with the most
fairest damosels that might be, and play with them ever-more.
And thus went many diverse
lusty bachelors for to slay great lords in diverse countries, that
were his enemies, and made themselves to be slain, in hope to have
that paradise. And thus, often-time, he was revenged of his enemies
by his subtle deceits and false cautels.
And when the worthy men of the
country had perceived this subtle falsehood of this Gatholonabes,
they assembled them with force, and assailed his castle, and slew
him, and destroyed all the fair places and all the nobilities of
that paradise. The place of the wells and of the walls and of many
other things be yet apertly seen, but the riches is voided clean. And
it is not long gone since that place was destroyed.
(Pinto 62-64)
5. MS. Escorial M iii 7-115 iii-Est. 15.4
(ed. Liria-Montañés, Libro
126-127)
Alli solia aver un Rico hombre
no a gaines de tiempo que clamavan Gathalonabes qui hers muy capteloso
et avia un grant Castiello en una montaynna assi fuert et assi noble
como ningun hombre podria devisar et toda la monaynna eill avia fecho
en murar muy noblement. Et dentro estos couros el avia el mas bel
gardin que hombre podiesse veer, do avia arboles portantes todas maneras
de fruitas que hombre podria ninguna part trobar. Et si y avia fecho
plantar todas yerbas e arboles bien odorantes qui trahen bellas flores.
Et y ay muy bellas fuentes. Et avia fecho fazer cerca delas fuentes bellas
salas e bellas cam-bas todas pintadas d'oro e d'azur. Et havia fecho fazer
couchas e diversas colas e de diversas muserias d'istorias et de diverssas
bestial et aves qui cantavan e movian por engenio assi como si fuessen
todos bivos. Et si avia puesto en este gardin todas las maneras d' aves
que el pudo trobar e todas las bestial en que hombre puede prender de
puerto ni solaz agoardar. Et y avia puesto las mas beillas donzeillas
de jus l'age de .xv. aynnos que el podia trobar e los mas beillps jovenes
de tal age et todos heran vestidos de paynno d'oro e dizian que heran angeles.
Et avia fecho fazer tres
fuentes beillas e nobles todas environadas de piedras de jaspre e
de cristal orlados d'oro e de piedras preciosas e de perlas e avia
fecho fazer con¬duites por de jus tierra si que aquellas .iij. fuentes
quoando eill queria el fazia l'una correr de leche Potra de
vino l'ocra de miel. Et este logar el clamava parayso.
Et quando algun buen cavallero
qui fuese prez e hardido lo venia veer el los levava en su paradiso
e lis mostrava las diversas cocas el de puerto e los diversos cantos
d'avez e las beillas doncellas e las bellas fuentes de leche de vino
e de miel. Et fazia sonar diverssos insturmentes de Musiqua en una alts
torre sin veer los juglares. Et dizian que heran angeles de dios. Et que
este hera el paradiso que dios avis prometido a sus amigos en diziendo:
dabo vobis terrain fluentem lac melle.
Et de pues eill les fazia
bever del bevrage de que heran luego Imbriagos. E de pues eill lis
semblava en cors que mas grant d'eill lis dizia que si eillos querian
morir por amor d'eill que eillos vendrian en aquel paradiso cmpues
la muert e serian de l’age de sus don¬zellas et jugarian siempre
con eillas e siem¬ire fincarian pucellas. Et -ncora eill los metria
en un otro mas bel paradiso alli do eillos veirian vesiblement a
lion de natura en su magestat e en su gloria. :à lora eillos
se presentavan aeill afazer coda ;u voluntat. Et de pues eill lis dizia
que fues¬;en amatar cal seynnor qui hera su contrario. Et que eillos
no ouiessen pas miedo de se fazer matar por amor d'eill que eill los
metria -mpues la muert en un otro paradiso .C. fezes mas beillo. Et alli
fincarian con mas beillas donzeillas asiempre jamas.
Et assi fueron aquellos
cavalleros, matar le grandes seynnores dela tierra e se fazian ,illos
mesmos matar en esperança de yr enparadiso. Et assi aquel
viellart se vengava le sus enemigos por sus captelas e por sus seductiones.
Et quoando el Rico hombre en
estas comarquas fue apercebido enla cautela e malveztat e malicia
eillos se asemblaron e fueron aassallir su castiello et mataron el
vie¬Ilart e destruyeron todos los beillos logares e todas las
noblezas que y heran en este paradi¬so; el logar delas fuentes
e delas otras cosas y son encora; Mas las Riquezas no y son pas fincadas.
Et si no ha pas grandament que el logar fue destruido.
(Pinto 62-64)
Canis:
The Dog File
Who?
- Étienne de Bourbon calls the dog
Guinefort. (1)(2)(3)(11)
- The dog's master is the knight Folliculus
in the Gesta Romanorum. (5)(6)
- The dog's master is a farmer in
Aesop. (5)(7)
- In a Welsh version, Prince Llewellyn,
son-in-law of King John, has a greyhound named Gellert.
(5)(8)(18)
- In India, the dog is replaced by a mongoose
whose master is the Brahman Devasarman (meaning "having
the luck of the gods" or "blessed by the gods." (5)(9)
- In another Indian version, the
animal is a mongoose, too, and its master is the very
poor Brahman Vidyadhara. (5)(10)
Where?
- The story takes place, according to Étienne
de Bourbon, in the diocese of Lyon, near the enclosed
nuns' village called Neuville, on the estate of the Lord
of Villars ("châtelain" of Villars-les-Dombes
[13]), some 40 km north of Lyon (15). Étienne
de Bourbon also mentions a nearby river, called the Chalaronne,
a tributary of the Saône. (1)(2)(3)(11)(16)(18)
- In a Jewish tale, the events occur on a
remote island. (4)(5)
- In a certain city in the Panchatantra.
(5)(9)
- In another Indian version, on the banks of
the Ganges, in a town named Mithila. (5)(10)
What happened later?
- The lord's people throw the dead dog into
a well in front of the manor door, throw a great pile
of stones on top of it, and plant trees beside it, in
memory of the event (Étienne de Bourbon). (1)(2)(3)(11)(14)(18)
- Guinefort revered Dombe region.
(11)
- Folliculus breaks his lance in three pieces
and vows a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, where he spends
the rest of his days in peace. (5)(6)
- people continue to visit Guinefort's
grove up until the 1930s or 1940s, and there are ruins
of a chapel dedicated to Saint Guinefort at Trevon in Brittany
(Cotes d’Armor). (12)(18)
- Jean-Claude Schmitt discovered vestiges
of the Guinefort cult and pilgrimage.. (17)
- Llewellyn buries the dog outside the
castle walls within sight of Snowdon, and raises over
the grave a great cairn of stones. And to this day the place is
called Beth Gellert, or the Grave of Gellert. (5)(8)(14)(18)
- The Brahman's wife beats herself
on the head, the breast, and her other body parts. She
must now taste the fruit of her own tree of sin, the pain
of her son's death (5)(9)
- In the Ganges version, the Brahman's
wife puts an end to her life, and the Brahman first kills
his child and then kills himself. (5)(10)
- The earliest text documenting the cult
of Guinefort is recorded from the location of its actual shrine,
a sacred grove in the woods near the small village of
Sandrans, in Dombes, north of Lyon.
(11)
- In accordance to ancient Celtic tradition,
the father, along with the rest of the family, committed the
dog’s body to a well, and planted a grove of trees
around it. (12)
- in 1987 a movie was made about the
dog and his cult called The Sorceress (France 1988).
(12)
- the 1987 French film Le moine et
la sorcière depicts the religious controversy over
Guinefort as seen through the eyes of Etienne de Bourbon, a Dominican
inquisitor. (14) The film is a historical drama, 97
minutes, written by Pamela Berger of Boston College, director:
Suzanne Schiffman; with Tchéky Karyo and Christine Boisson.
(16)
- the legend of Guinefort has a small but
pivotal role in the novel The Stolen Child (2006) by Keith
Donohue. (14)
- Guinefort venerated locally on
August 22. (14)
Sources
(1) Étienne de Bourbon,
"On the Worship of the Dog Guinefort," in "The
Gift of Strength," in "Gifts of the Holy Spirit."
A. Lecoy de Marche, ed., "De supersticione,"
Anecdotes historiques…d'Étienne de Bourbon, Paris:
Renouard, 1877), 314-29; translated by Paul Hyams at http://falcon.arts.cornell.edu/~prh3/262/texts/Guinefort.html
(2)
Jean-Claude Schmitt, The Holy
Greyhound: Guinefort, Healer of Children since the Thirteenth
Century, Cambridge, 1983.
(3) http://people.bu.edu/dklepper/RN242/guinefort.html
(4)
Angelo S. Rappoport, The Folklore
of the Jews, London: The Soncino Press, 1937, pp. 173-75.
(5) http://www.pitt.edu/~dash/type0178a.html#rappoport
(6)
Charles Swan, transl.,
Gesta Romanorum; or, Entertaining Moral Stories, London:
George Bell and Sons, 1877.
(7) The Fables of Æsop, Based on
the Texts of L'Estrange and Croxall, New York and Boston:
Books Incorporated, n.d., pp. 201-02.
(8) Joseph Jacobs, Celtic Fairy Tales,
London: David Nutt, 1892, no. 21, pp. 192-94.
(9) Theodor Benfey, Pantschatantra: Fünf
Bücher indischer Fabeln, Märchen und Erzählungen,
Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1859, II: 326-27.
(10)
Georgiana] Kingscote and Pandit Natêsá
Sástrî, Tales of the Sun; or, Folklore
of Southern India, London and Calcutta: W. H. Allen, 1890,
162-64.
(11) http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-chat/1759299/posts
(12) http://www.philosophising.com/dogpress/index.php/2006/01/31/sainted-dogs-saint-guinefort-the-greyhound/
(13)
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guinefort
(14) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint_Guinefort
(15)
http://www.frenchtoutou.com/culture/hero1.php
(16)
http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/guinefort.html
(17)
http://chosesvues.blog.lemonde.fr/2006/03/03/2006_03_saint_guinefort/
(18)
http://scribalterror.blogs.com/scribal_terror/2008/01/saint-guinefort.html
Addendum
In her review of
Ritter, Erika 841-2009b). The
Dog by the Cradle, the Serpent Beneath: Some Paradoxes
of Human-Animal Relationships. Toronto:
Key Porter, 2009. 359 p.
Christine Sismondo writes:
“There’s an old story about a greyhound left at home to care
for his master’s baby. While the parents are out, a snake
comes into the room. To protect his charge, the dog attacks
and kills it but, in the process, also knocks over the cradle.
When the parents return, they discover an overturned cradle
and a blood-stained greyhound grinning up at them. Writ
of habeas corpus suspended, the master shoots
his best friend. Soon after, he discovers the baby -- still sleeping
in the overturned cradle, and the snake’s de ad body
behind it. This story -- and the many versions of it told
from ancient Persia to medieval Europe --[...] captures some
of the basic contradictions involved in human-animal relationships,
in that the dog had built up a lifetime of trust and love, to the
point that it was left to look after a baby. Despite this, one moment
of doubt led to its human caretakers exacting a swift and merciless
‘justice’” (The Globe & Mail [Toronto] 28 February 2009,
p. F10). See also <http://www.erikaritter.com/excerpt1.htm>.
Assassinus
(French Version M)
from MS. London, British Library, Royal
17.C.xxxvii, fol. 7r-61v (1366,
R)
(
The Book of John Mandeville)
[55r] In this lond was somtyme a ryche man that men called
Catholonabeus, and he had a fayre castel uppon an hylle and a strong. And
he had y-lete make a good walle all aboute the hille, and withynne was a
fair gardeyn in which were many fair trees beryng all manner fruyt that he
myghte fynde. And he let plante therynne of alle manner herbes and of good
smel. And ther were many fayre [55v] welles therby, and by hem were y-maked
many fayre halles and chambres, wel y-dyght with goold and asure. And he
hadde y-leet make bryddes and beestis that turned aboute by gynne in an orlage,
and songe as they had be quyke. And he had in his gardeynes maidens of 15
yer olde, the fairest that he myghte fynde, and knave children of the same
elde, and they were clothed in clothes of goolde and he sayde that thay were
angeles. And he had y-maked a condite under erthe so that when he wolde,
that condyte shold renne somtyme mylke, somtyme wyne, and somtyme hony. And
this place is called Paradis. And when any yong bacheler of that contré,
knyght other squyer, cometh to hym for to solacy hym and disporte hym, he
ledith hym into his Paradis, and showeth hym all these diverse thynges and
his damyselles and hys welles, and he dyd smyte his instrumentz of musyke
in a heye tour that may noght be seye, and he seyde they were angeles of
God and that place is Paradys that God graunted to hym that beleved, when
He sayde thus:
Dabo vobis terram fluentem lac et mel.
That is to say: “I shal gyve yow londe flowyng mylke
and hony. ” (From MS. London, British Library, Royal 17.C.xxxvii, fol.
54r-55v).
(Quoted from Tamarah Kohanski and C.
David Benson, eds.,
The Book of John Mandeville.
Consortium for the Teaching of the Middle Ages (TEAMS), Middle
English Texts Series. Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications,
2007. ISBN 978-1-58044-113-1. P. 86, ll. 2473-2491.)
Catholonabeus is also known as Hassan
i Sabbah and “The Old Man of the Mountain,” For echoes of
assassinus from Marco Polo, Odoric of Pordenone’s
Itinerarius,
Ibn Khalikan’s
Kitab Wafayat ulAyn (
The Obituaries
of Eminent Men or
The Biographical Dictionary),
and others, see
Warner, ed.,
The Buke of John Maundeuill (1889): 216n137;
Deluz,
Le livre de Jehan de Mandeville
(1988); and
Pinto,
Mandeville’s
Travels (2005): 60-64.
East and West
(from Newsletter 32 [December 2005]: 6-7)
Jacobs, Joseph. Indian Fairy Tales. New York:
Putnam, 1912.
“There were probably other Buddhist collections of a
similar nature to the Jatakas with a framework.
When the Hindu reaction against Buddhism came, the Brahmins
adapted these, with the omission of Buddha as the central
figure. There is scarcely any doubt that the so-called FABLES
OF BIDPAI were thus derived from Buddhistic sources. In
its Indian form this is now extant as a Panchatantra or Pentateuch,
five books of tales connected by a Frame. This collection
is of special interest to us […], as it has come to Europe in
various forms and shapes. I have edited Sir Thomas North’s English
version of an Italian adaptation of a Spanish translation of a Latin
version of a Hebrew translation of an Arabic adaptation of the
Pehlevi version of the Indian original (Fables of Bidpai.
Bibliothèque de Carabas. London: D. Nutt, 1888). In this
I give a genealogical table of the various versions, from which I
calculate that the tales have been translated into 38 languages in
112 different versions, 20 different ones in English alone. Their influence
on European folk-tales has been very great: it is probable that nearly
one-tenth of these can be traced to the Biddai literature. […]
Other collections of a similar character, arranged in
a frame, and derived ultimately from Buddhistic
sources, also reached Europe and formed popular reading
in the Middle Ages. Among these may be mentioned THE TALES
OF SINDIBAD, known to Europe as The Seven Sages
of Rome: from this we get the Gellert story (cf. [canis
in] Celtic Fairy Tales), though it also occurs in the Bidpai.
Another popular collection was that associated with the life of
St Buddha, who has been canonised as St. Josaphat: BARLAAM AND
JOSAPHAT tells of his conversion and much else besides, including
the tale of ‘The Three Caskets,’ used by Shakespeare in the Merchant
of Venice.
Some of the Indian tales
reached Europe at the time of the Crusades, either
orally or in collections no longer extant. The earliest selection
of these was the
Disciplina clericalis of Petrus
Alphonsi, a Spanish Jew converted about 1106; his tales
were to be used as seasoning for sermons, and strong seasoning
they must have proved. Another Spanish collection of considerably
later date was entitled
El Conde Lucanor (Engl. trans. by
W. York): this contains the fable of ‘The Man, his Son, and their
Ass,’ which they ride or carry as the popular voice decides. But the
most famous collection of this kind was that known as
GESTA ROMANORUM,
much of which was certainly derived from Oriental and ultimately
Indian sources, and so might more appropriately be termed
Gesta Indorum.
All these collections, which
reached Europe in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries,
became very popular, and were used by monks and friars to
enliven their sermons as
EXEMPLA. Prof. Crane has. given
a full account of this very curious phenomenon in his erudite
edition of the
Exempla of Jacques de Vitry (Folk Lore
Society, 1890). The Indian stories were also used by the Italian
novellieri; much of Boccaccio and his school being derived from
this source. As these again gave material for the Elizabethan Drama,
chiefly in W. Painter’s
Palace of Pleasure, a collection
of translated
Novelle which I have edited (London, 3 vols.,
1890), it is not surprising that we can at times trace portions of
Shakespeare back to India. It should also be mentioned that one-half
of La Fontaine’s
Fables (Bks. vii-xii) are derived from
Indian sources.” (
http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/ift/ift31.htm)
(from Newsletter 32 [2005], 7-8)
821-n.d.
Anon.
The Erl of Tolous. At
www.lib.rochester.edu/camelot/teams/erltonts.htm
In
The Erl of Tolous, “Syr Dyoclysyan
probably refers to the third century Roman leader,
Gaius Aurelius Valerius Diocletianus. According
to the
Oxford Classical Dictionary, Diocletian
rose through the ranks to become Emperor Numerian’s bodyguard.
He distinguished himself initially by avenging Numerian’s
death, striking down the praetorian prefect,
Aper,
a name which also means ‘wild boar.’ The naming of a boar may
have particular intertextual significance since a companion
text […], the
Seven Sages of Rome, not only points to
Dioclesian, but contains a short didactic narrative about
a wild boar (‘Aper’ appears in the margin). But Diocletian’s most
famous contribution to the Roman Empire was his establishment of
a tetrarchy, a four-part joint rulership. He established himself
Augustus in the East, took Galerius to be his Caesar, and
elevated an old comrade who had proven valorous in combat, to
Augustus in the West and assigned Constantius Chlorus to be his
Caesar. The two Caesars were bound to their Augusti by marriage
with their daughters…. Diocletian’s genius was as an organizer,
and many of his administrative measures lasted for centuries. The
tetrarchy was an attempt to provide each part of the Empire with
a ruler and to establish an ordered, non-hereditary succession.
In [the edition by Thornton] the
Erl of Toulous
appears under the title heading,
Romance of Dyoclicyane
with the subtitle
Erl of Toulous and the
Empress Beaulibone while in [MS.] C [Cambridge]
the title appears as an incipit:
Here foloweth the
Erle of Tolous.”
(from Newsletter 32 [2005], 4-5)
840-1910. Jacobs, Joseph.
Celtic
Fairy Tales. New York: Putnam, 1910.
“I have paraphrased the well-known poem of
Hon. W. R. Spencer, ‘Beth Galert, or the Grave of
the Greyhound,’ first printed privately as a broadsheet
in 1800 when it was composed. […] It was published in
Spencer’s Poems, 1811, pp. 78-86. […] Spencer states in a
note ‘The story of this ballad is traditionary in a village
at the foot of Snowdon where Llewellyn the Great had a house.
The Greyhound named Gelert was given him by his father-in-law, King
John, in the year 1205, and the place to this day is called Beth-Gelert,
or the grave of Gelert.’ As a matter of fact, no trace of the tradition
in connection with Bedd Gellert can be found before Spencer’s time.
[…] Borrow in his
Wild Wales, p.146, gives the legend, but
does not profess to derive it from local tradition.
The only parallel in Celtdom is that noticed
by Croker in his third volume, the legend of Partholan
who killed his wife's grey-hound from jealousy:
this is found sculptured in stone at Ap Brune, co. Limerick.
As is well known, and has been elaborately discussed by
Mr. Baring-Gould (
Curious Myths of the Middle Ages,
p. 134 seq.), and Mr. W. A. Clouston (
Popular Tales and
Fictions, ii 166 , seq.), the story of the man who rashly
slew the dog (ichneumon, weasel, &c.) that had saved his
babe from death, is one of those which have spread from East
to West. It is indeed, as Mr. Clouston points out, still current
in India, the land of its birth. There is little doubt that it
is originally Buddhistic : the late Prof. S. Beal gave the earliest
known version from the Chinese translation of the
Vinaya Pitaka
in the
Academy of Nov. 4, 1882. The conception of an animal
sacrificing itself for the sake of others is peculiarly Buddhistic;
the ‘hare in the moon’ is an apotheosis of such a piece of self-sacrifice
on the part of Buddha (
Sasa Jataka). There are two forms
that have reached the West, the first being that of an animal
saving men at the cost of its own life. I pointed out an early instance
of this, quoted by a Rabbi of the second century, in my
Fables
of Aesop, i. 105. This concludes with a strangely dose parallel
to Gellert ; ‘They raised a cairn over his grave, and the place
is still called The Dog's Grave.’ The Culex attributed to Virgil seems
to be another variant of this. The second form of the legend is always
told as a moral apologue against precipitate action, and originally
occurred in The
Fables of Bidpai in its hundred and one forms,
all founded on Buddhistic originals (cf Benfey,
Pantschatantra,
Einleitung, 201). [It occurs in the same chapter as the story of
La Perrette, which has been traced, after Benfey, by Prof. M. Mitiler
in his
Migration of Fables (
Sel. Essays, i. 500-74);
exactly the same history applies to Geltert.] Thence, according
to Benfey, it was inserted in the
Book of Sindibad,
another collection of Oriental Apologues framed on what may be called
the Mrs. Potiphar formula. This came to Europe with the Crusades,
and is known in its Western versions as the
Seven Sages of
Rome. The Gellert story occurs in all the Oriental and Occidental
versions ; e.g., it is the First Master’s story in Wynkyn de Worde’s
(ed. G. L. Gomme, for the VilIon Society.) From the
Seven Sages
it was taken into the particular branch of the
Gesta Romanorum
current in England and known as the English Gesta, where it occurs
as c. xxxii., ‘Story of Folliculus.’ We have thus traced it to England
whence it passed to Wales, where I have discovered it as the second apologue
of ‘The Fables of Cattwg the Wise,’ in the lob MS. published by the
Welsh MS. Society, p.561, ‘The man who killed his Greyhound.’ (These
Fables, Mr. Nutt informs me, are a pseudonymous production probably
of the sixteenth century.) This concludes the literary route of the Legend
of Gellert from India to Wales: Buddhistic
Vinaya Pitaka -
Fables
of Bidpai - Oriental
Sindibad - Occidental
Seven Sages
of Rome - ‘English’ (Latin)
Gesta Romanorum - Welsh
Fables of Cattwg.”
(http://www.classic-novels.com/author/jacobs/celtic_fairy_tales/fairytales049.shtml)
Vidua
[from
Newsletter
31 (2004): 9-10]
Diederichs, Ulf, ed. and trans. “Von
der Verführbarkeit der Frauen oder Die treulose
Witwe [Of Women‘s Seduceability or The Unfaithful Widow].”
261-63 (nr. 107) in Das Ma‘assebuch: Altjiddische Erzählkunst.
Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 2003. 845 p. ISBN 3-423-13143-8.
Die Geschichte geschah. Ein Sprichwort geht, die
Weiber haben leichten Verstand, sie sind bald zu überreden.
Denn es geschah einmal, daß eine Frau,
deren Mann gestorben war, in großes Jammern und Klagen verfiel.
Und sie wollte ja nicht gern ihren lieben Mann vergessen und trieb sich
Tag und Nacht auf dem Friedhof (beß-chájim, “Haus des
Lebens”) herum und weinte und schrie recht jammervoll um ihren lieben Mann.
Da war einer, der war Wächter (scháumer)
bei einem Galgen. Den bewachte er, daß man
keinen Gehängten vom Galgen herabnehmen sollte,
bei Leibesstrafe durch den König. Und dieser Galgen
stand nicht weit weg vom Friedhof. Und dieser Wächter
ging des Nachts zu der Frau und redete so lange auf sie ein,
bis er sie dazu überredet hatte, daß sie bei ihm lag.
Und in der Zeit, als er bei ihr gelegen war,
wurde einer vom Galgen herab gestohlen. Und wie er wieder zum Galgen kam,
da sah er nichts und niemanden. Da war er sehr erschrocken, denn er fürchtete,
der König werde ihn hängen lassen, dieweil
er nicht gut gehütet hatte. Da ging er zu der Frau
und erzählte ihr sein Unglück. Da sagte die Frau
zu ihm: “Fürchte dich nicht allzusehr. Nimm doch meinen
Mann aus dem Grab (
kéjwer) und häng ihn an
die Stätte.” Da ging er hin und zog mit ihr gemeinsam den
Mann aus dem Grab, und sie hängten ihn an den Galgen.
Da seht ihr nun, wie die Frau um
ihren Mann so arg gejammert und geweint hat, doch gleichwohl
hat sie den bösen Trieb (
jéjzer-hóre)
in sich gehabt, so daß sie sich vom Wächter überreden
ließ. Seither geht das Sprichwort, die Frauen haben
geringen Verstand und sind leicht zu überreden, einem
zu Willen zu sein, selbst wenn sie in Trauer sind.
*
This story happened. A proverb goes: womenfolk have
feeble understanding, they are soon persuaded.
For it happened once that a woman, whose husband
had died, fell into great laments and complaints.
And she did indeed not want to forget her dear husband
and roamed day and night about the cemetery (beß-chájim,
“House of Life”) and cried and shouted quite pitifully for
her dear husband.
There was someone who was watchman (scháumer)
at some gallows. These he watched so that none of
the hanged be lifted off the gallows, under penalty of
death by the king. And these gallows stood not too far from
the cemetery. And this watchman went at night to the woman
and talked to her as long as it took him to persuade her to lie
with him.
And during the time he had lain with her one
[of the hanged] was stolen off the gallows. And when he came back to the
gallows he saw nothing and nobody. Then he was very shocked for he feared
that the king would have him hanged, because he had not watched well. So
he went to the woman and told her his bad luck. And the woman said to him:
“Don‘t be afraid too much. Take my husband from the grave (kéjwer)
and hang him in [the stolen one‘s] stead.” So he went
there and together with her pulled the husband out of the
grave, and they hanged him on the gallows.
So you see now how the woman lamented
and cried so much about her husband, yet she had the
evil impulse (jéjzer-hóre) in her so
that she let herself be persuaded by the watchman. Ever since the
proverb goes that women have little understanding and can be
persuaded easily to do a man‘s bidding, even when they are in
mourning.
Mary B. Speer. "The Faithful
Greyhound, the Feckless Knight, and the Good Mother: Mirrors and Marvels
in the Dolopathos." Belfast: Eighth Triennial Congress of the International
Courtly Literature Society, 1995.
Following up on "Specularity in a Formulaic Frame
Romance: ’The Faithful Greyhound’ and the Roman
des sept sages," a talk presented at the 1992 ICLS
meeting and published in the proceedings, this paper extends
the inquiry into specular identification as a concept useful
for interpreting tales in courtly frame romances. Here the focus
is again on the story known to folklorists as "The Faithful
Greyhound," but this time in the highly significant remaniements
achieved by John of Hauteville in the Latin Dolopathos (late
12th century) and by Herbert in his French "translation" of that
Dolopathos (early 13th century). John has recast the traditional
story of the lord, the dog, and the baby in order to mirror the
frame of his romance and to criticize irresponsible knightly behaviour.
John’s clerical version is indeed "new," as the sage who narrates
it claims. An original introductory section highlights the folly
of a young knight who bankrupts himself to take part in tournaments
and is then forced to go into exile. The equally innovative climax
makes the knight’s wife an active partner in the family drama rather
than a passive victim. The pragmatic moral that the tale usually illustrates--do
not act in haste--is transformed by John into a deeper, more somber
lesson that cautions against judging by appearance and calls into
question the fundamental values of secular chivalry. Herbert, writing
for a courtly audience, is obliged to attenuate John’s critique while
retaining the "merveilles" of this richly specular tale.
Yasmina Foehr-Janssens. "Une recluse fort (peu)
courtoise." Belfast: Eighth Triennial Congress of
the International Courtly Literature Society, 1995.
Dans un article déjà ancien, A.
Hilka a dressé l’inventaire des différentes
occurrences d’un récit tiré du
Roman
des sept sages de Rome et intitulé
Inclusa
(cf. [
Analytical Bibliography no. 865]). Si l’on en
croit le nombre de rédactions parallèles,
cet apologue a connu une grande fortune narrative. Il propose des
thèmes familiers de la littérature narrative
d’inspiration courtoise, lai ou roman. On y rencontre un mari
jaloux, une malmariée et un jeune étranger amoureux
de la belle. Le récit débute par une résurgence
narrative du motif de l’"amour de loin", suscité par un
rêve, ou par la vision d’une image de beauté. Son intrigue
repose sur la quête d’une épouse et donne lieu
à de nombreuses descriptions d’objets et de parures magnifiques.
Cette richesse thématique explique peut-être que
le récit serve de toile de fond à deux romans importants:
Flamenca et
Joufroi de Poitiers.
Pourtant, dans les versions du
Roman des sept sages qui le rapportent,
Inclusa
sert de machine de guerre contre les femmes et prend des
allures de fabliau anti-courtois. Fidèles à leur
habitude d’illustrer leurs interventions par des narrations
enchâssées, les sages s’en servent pour fustiger
la crédulité du mari et la duplicité des
femmes. Comment rendre compte de cette discordance
entre l’esprit d’un conte et son emploi idéologique?
Inclusa
se situe au coeur d’une stratégie littéraire propre
au
Roman des sept sages. Le sens ne s’y élabore pas
de manière linéaire. Entre les différents
niveaux de narration, se tissent des réseaux de signification
complexes. Pour comprendre les raisons qui commandent le choix
surprenant d’
Inclusa comme exemple sapiental, nous étudions
la forme de ce récit, ses rapports avec les autres anecdotes
retenues et avec l’histoire-cadre, ainsi que la personnalité
du narrateur de cette histoire. La version K (ms. B.N. 1553) sera
notre terrain de recherche privilégié, mais nous
pourrons aussi nous servir de [la version] C (ms. Chartres, Bibl.
620), autre témoin de la plus ancienne version francaise
des
Sept sages. Dans le cadre de la littérature narrative
d’expression francaise, les principes de la "fin’amor" font
l’objet d’un débat largement ouvert à la controverse.
S’il est de notoriété publique que les oeuvres de
Marie de France et de Thomas d’Angleterre témoignent
de cette fermentation intellectuelle, nous aimerions montrer que des
textes de réputation plus didactique n’échappent
pas à cette polémique et, bien plus, en vivent.
Entre lai et fabliau,
Inclusa offre un beau terrain d’exploration
pour qui s’intéresse à la toujours délicate définition
de la "courtoisie".
Jill Whitelock.
"The Seven Sages of Rome and Orientalism in Middle
English Literature, with an Edition of
the Poem from Cambridge, University Library, Dd.I.17." Diss. Cambridge
1998.
Part One examines the Seven Sages
in the context of Orientalism, taking as its cue the
poem’s source, The Book of Sindbad, and its occurrence
in Dd.I.17 alongside several works about the Orient. In
Chapter 1, J.W. surveys the scope of Orientalism in Middle
English literature and manuscripts, and assesses how the Seven
Sages fits into such a study. In Chapter 2, J.W. considers
the relationship between the Seven Sages and The Book
of Sindbad with regard to myths of origin in studies of tale
transmission and Orientalism in general. Much Seven Sages
criticism has been preoccupied with the work’s origins in The
Book of Sindbad, with discovering the links between the two
texts and the Sindbad’s ultimate place of genesis. J.W.
argues that this has often led to a narrow critical approach which
ignores the multiplicity of geographically and chronologically
diverse transmissions. In Chapter 3, J.W. explores how myths of origin
are also thematic concerns in the Seven Sages itself and its
story of a father and son who are also Emperor and Prince of Rome, and
how this theme may have prompted the work’s concern with the genre of
romance when appropriated by its Western redactor. J.W. examines the
problem of classifying the Seven Sages in terms of genre, arguing
that rather than being a straightforward romance, the work uses
the romance mode as one way of reading the text of The Book of
Sindbad.
In Part Two, J.W. presents
a new edition of the Seven Sages from Dd.I.17. Unlike the previous
edition by Thomas Wright (1845), hers includes a full
codicological description of the manuscript, an analysis
of the poem’s dialect, a study of the relationship of this
version to the other Middle English Seven Sages as well
as its originality, and extensive textual notes and a glossary.
French Version M is unique among all Seven Sages
versions in that it contains six non-canonic stories. These are translated
here from MS. Florence, Ashburnham 52 (cat. Ashburnham Libri 125) of
the fourteenth century, as edited by Hans R. Runte.
In the overall frame of the Seven Sages
the six stories should present arguments against either the empress (Anthenor,
Cardamum) or the emperor’s son (filius, nutrix, spurius, assassinus).
That function they fulfill only imperfectly in most cases, leading us to
hypothesize that the scribe(s), confronted with an incomplete or damaged
model, did not understand the dynamics of the frame and filled the lacunæ
before them with any narrative material immediately at hand. While the
resulting flawed version of the Seven Sages has nevertheless been
copied at least three times (MSS. Paris, Bibl. nat., Fr. 573 [formerly 7069];
Paris, Bibl. de l’Arsenal 2998 [formerly 232 B.L.F.]; Paris, Bibl. de l’Arsenal
2999 [formerly 233 B.L.F.]), it has not surprisingly remained without sequel.
Superficially aware of the eastern flavour of the Seven Sages,
the scribe(s) of Version M expressly sought to situate the new exempla
in “oriental”, Islamic locales from the time of Caesar to that of the
crusades: the stories take place in Antioch (filius), Babylon (filius,
spurius), Constantinople and Greece (nutrix), Araby (Anthenor),
Persia (Cardamum), and an unidentified land of the Saracens (assassinus),
and they pit Christianity against Islam (spurius, Cardamum, assassinus),
either on the battlefield (spurius, assassinus) or by unabashed
proselytizing (Cardamum). Despite their incongruousness, they thus
lend a historical perspective to the Seven Sages and nudge the
narrative intent from secular didacticism to (a degree of) religious militancy;
they also point to the crusades and to crusaders’ accounts (from the ninth
crusade [1271-1272] backwards) as possible sources for Seven Sages
narrative materials, an aspect of research that has been totally ignored
to date.
Filius
[The empress’s fourth story]
[fol. 147d] This is the story of the evil debauched stepson
By [my] faith, said then the lady, it is true
that once upon a time there was in Antioch a prince who had the name
Belsasor. He loved much the intercourse with dames and damsels. And it
came to pass that above all the others there was one beloved by whom
he had a boy for a son whom he loved much, and so much did he invest his
love in him that he lost a great deal of his worth in the process. So much
did time go by that the boy was fourteen years old, and it was the mother’s
fate to die and the prince was much affected by this, and it came to pass
that he held the boy in very great love more after the mother’s death than
before. And for [fol. 148a] [all] that it took not long at all before the
prince was drawn to putting his heart upon another young lady who was the
daughter of the sultan of Babylon. And she was so young that she was not
ten years [old] when the prince first had her. Very strongly did he put his
heart into the matter for she was [so] very beautiful [that] it was a great
marvel, and with that she was so wise that in the entire country there was
nobody who could take on her good sense. From that it came to pass that the
prince’s son formed an evil plot, for because of the young lady’s love for
her sire he took to [pursuing] the young lady with great love. And he who
was an evil plotter beguiled her in such a manner that one day he came to
where the young lady was and she welcomed him in very good humour, so that
he said to her:
-- My sweet dear lady, it behooves me to tell
you a thing that I wish to be very secret.
-- Certainly, she said, sweet friend, and I
will very willingly do it [as long as] it is a thing that I must do.
-- In God’s name, he said, it must be done.
-- And I agree to it, she said.
Then he said to her:
-- You are very young and my father is old and
frail, and I well know that you have little intercourse with him, wherefore
I say to you that your beauty has led me to this: I want to kill my father
and have you, whichever way the thing may go. And thus we will have as
much intercourse with one another as we want, so I want you to consent
to this thing.
When the young lady heard this she was much
astonished and could not reply to his wish, and said:
-- Ha, sweet friend, for the grace of God, this
thing would be too terrible to do, by your leave,
because for nothing that there is would I agree to
it.
-- By my head, he said, you must agree to it,
whether you want to or not.
-- Friend, she said, by your
leave [fol. 148b] once more, I don’t believe
that your father is destined to live long, for he has little health, and
if he were to die a [natural] death, then [the situation] would be nicer
and could not be better.
-- In God’s name, he said, it behooves you to
do my wish.
-- Friend, she said, may it not please God that
I am such that this happens to me, but shut up now and never speak of
it [again].
When he heard this he saw well that by his will
he would not arrive at his aim, so he said:
-- Now I know well that you love my lord father
much. And know for sure that I love you better than ever before, and
I would not want that you do another thing about it. So make sure that
this thing be hidden.
-- By [my] faith, she said, by me no word of
it will be moved, but may it not come from you [either].
-- It won’t, he said.
Then they ceased speaking about this thing,
and [so it went] until the lady was in doubt about her lord whom she loved
out of great love, and her heart told her that the father’s son persued his
death and his destruction. So she did not know what to do nor what to say,
except that [so it went] until one day they were together under the very
great sign of love between the prince and the young lady, and it came to
pass that the lady took to weeping very tenderly.
-- [My] lady, said he, what have you [to weep
about]? I want to know it.
-- Ha, [my] lord, she said, for God’s mercy,
I would not tell it to you for anything, for I know for sure that I would
be blamed for it.
-- [My] lady, he said, try
as you may, it behooves you to tell the reason
wherefore this [feeling of] discontent comes over you, because for nothing
[in the world] would I relieve you of [telling] it.
When the lady saw that it behooved her to tell
that of which she could not excuse herself, she said:
-- In God’s name, sire, I suspect that those
who must love you better [than anyone else] are pursuing your bad end
before time and before the hour.
-- [My] lady, he said, how do you know this?
-- In God’s name, sire, she said, don’t [fol.
148c] ask me more about it, for you would dismember me before I [could]
tell you more about it.
-- By [my] faith, [my] lady, he said, this looks
like treason to me, when they should be my friends and are [in fact]
my enemies.
So the prince thought about something which
he told [her]:
--[My] lady, it weighs heavily on me when my
enemies are around me and I cannot know [a single] one among them. Even
if evil comes of it to me, I doubt that you are not at fault in it, for
this [very] day I cannot know whether anyone loves me as much as you [claim].
And therefore I don’t know whom to love and whom to disbelieve.
-- Verily, sire, do you believe that it is I?
-- By [my] faith, [my] lady, he said, since
you told me that you would rather let [me] pull your limbs apart, I don’t
know what to say about it.
When she heard this she said:
-- In God’s name, so I will tell it to you,
even if they were to burn me for it.
Then she told [him] exactly as his son had requested
her [to act]. So when the prince had heard it, he began to smile and
said:
-- [My] lady, do you think then that my son
had such a thought toward me?
-- By [my] faith, sire, she said, I don’t know,
but because of the concern I have for you did I say as much. But he told
me afterwards that he had done it to test me.
-- By [my] faith, he said, I well believe it.
Then this matter remained thus until the prince’s
son one day displeased his father, and it came to pass that [the latter]
could not refrain himself from saying:
-- And you, how were you so bold that you dared
seek out my wife with evil intention?
When he heard this he was so astounded that
he did not dare excuse himself for it. But this [very] day he made his preparations
and in the night murdered his father [where he was sleeping] beside the
lady, whence it came to pass that the lady was put into the situation
where she had to say that the prince had died of a grievous illness that
he had. Thus the son killed the father in such a manner that nobody [fol.
148d] knew it except a [patricidal] knight and the lady who did not dare
speak about it, but he put her under his will despite all those whom it
could annoy.
Filius may be seen as a simple and not very
subtle inversion of the framing Phaedra theme. An analogue story, entitled
“De la bonne impératrice”, can be found in the French fabliaux
tradition (Legrand d’Aussy, Fabliaux ou contes, fables et romans […]
V.125-129).
Nutrix (see
also below)
[The empress’s fifth story]
Already in 1876 none other than Gaston Paris found this story to be “almost
unintelligible.” Even some massaging of the original can only partially render
the text less opaque:
Unlike the burgher and his wife, who like crazy nurses uselessly mutilate
themselves rather than their supposed son in order to prove, to no avail,
their parenthood and thus prevent the lord from appropriating their otherwise
heirless land, the child’s real mother, caring more for herself than for
her illegitimate son, refuses three times to mutilate herself but under
the threat of death clings to the child, thus betraying her motherhood, confirming
physical resemblances and ensuring that the lord will “inherit” the childless
couple’s land.
In the empress’s arsenal of arguments against power-hungry sons the
central attempts at proving motherhood must seem rather ineffective; the
son’s eventual slide into tyranny may serve the empress’s objective better
but feels artificially added on.
[fol. 150bis a] This is the exemplum of the crazy
nurse
At the time of the emperor Constant[ine] of Constantinople
there was a prince in Greece who had his land entirely free as far as all
those [who lived] in the country were concerned, for there was such a custom
that all those who would die without a male heir of their flesh [their] land
fell to the prince. Wherefore there happened a great marvel in this country.
There was a burgher who was staying in a good town and so [it went that]
he was so rich that he surmounted his lord in treasure. It came to pass that
the burgher could not have an heir of his flesh who after him would have
his domain, and so [it went until] the burgher called one day on his wife
and said:
-- [My] lady, it seems well to me that we will
no longer have a child who could hold our land, for you have already passed
the natural term for having children.
-- Sire, she said, God could still well do it,
if He wanted to, [fol. 150bisb] but I have little confidence.
-- By [my] faith, he said, exactly the same can
I say to you.
-- In God’s name, said the lady, sire, if you
wanted to believe me, I thought up a thing that we could do. I have a sister
of mine who has recently become pregnant,
and I would do as if I were it, too. And when it would come to giving
birth to [her child], we would act in such a way that people would believe
that it was ours.
-- In God’s name, [my] lady, said the burgher,
quite similarly do I have a sister who has recently become pregnant whom
I want to have the advantage in this matter.
-- So, she said, I see well how the thing will
go. It will thus be that [instead] we will seek a woman who is not of my
lineage nor of yours.
-- I agree to it, he said.
So they seek a poor girl who was pregnant from
a man of the Church. And that [girl] they cause to be guarded so secretly
that nobody ever had any suspicion of it. The lady on the other side conducts
herself very carefully according to what she wanted to achieve. Time went
by until the child had to come forth. So you can know [perfectly] well
that it was watched over carefully [by the burgher’s wife]. And it came
to pass that the true mother had to feed it. So much did she put her heart
into it that people talked much about it. And it came to pass that news came
to the lord of the town that [the burgher] had a son to whom one had said
that he would have [the burgher’s] possessions. Then a man came to [the
lord] and said to him:
-- Sire, if I suspect that that burgher and his
wife want to deceive you, you will doubt this [news] at your risk.
-- How? he said.
-- By [my] faith, went then the newscarrier,
I believe that the burgher’s wife has passed the right term for having
children.
-- So know it [for sure], the lord said then.
So he put himself to the task of knowing the
age of the burgher[‘s wife] and it was found that she had passed the age
of having children. Then people began to murmur that the [fol. 150bisc]
lord had had it researched in order to have the burgher’s land. So the news
came to the burgher and his wife and they had much doubt. It was not long
before the lord came to the town. Then he asked for the burgher and his
wife. They came before him and he put it to them and said:
-- Tell me how you have been so bold as to say
that this child is yours.
-- Sire, they say, for God’s mercy, whose would
it be?
-- In God’s name, he said, this I will soon know.
So he asked for the child. And the real mother,
when she heard this, was very astonished and believed that they were to
destroy the child, so she began to cry most pitifully and said that nobody
except herself would carry the child. So she took it in her arms and carried
it before the lord. When the lord saw it he looked at its nurse [and mother]
and then at the child and realized that they resembled one another in all
ways. And the burgher[’s wife] took the child in her arms and said:
-- A very great sin commits he who has said to
my lord that you [, child,] are not mine.
-- [My] lady, said the lord, it must be ascertained.
Then he took the child, who was already three
years old, and put an iron pick in its hand and said to it:
-- Go to your mother and say to her: Mother,
it is necessary that you make an eye fly from the head of whoever of the
two of us pleases you better, for thus commands it our lord.
The child, who had more understanding than anyone
of his time, came to the lady [the burgher’s wife whom it thought to be
its mother] who believed that she was its mother and spoke to her exactly
as one had told it to speak. When the lady heard this she was much astounded
and said:
-- Handsome son, you will have no culpability
in this game, I prefer the crime [to fall] on me rather than on you.
So the false mother took the pick [that was]
in the child’s hand and in front of all [present] made one of her eyes
[fol. 150bisd] fly from her head [because as a mother she would rather injure
herself than her child]. When she had done this she said:
-- [My] lord, now you have seen that I would
not have done this if I were not a mother.
-- By [my] faith, he said, exactly the same must
be done to him who says that it is his son.
Exactly as the lady had done, so did her husband
[the burgher who needed the child in order not to lose his property to
the lord]. And when this was done the lord said to [the poor girl and ]
the true mother:
[Refusal 1]
-- Exactly the same you must do.
-- May it God, she said, not please that I have
two such crimes [on my conscience].
-- Ha, [my] lord, said then a wise man, the young
girl has spoken well.
-- How, said then the lord, what does this mean?
-- By [my] faith, he said, I believe that the
two crimes are such that the first one is the [child’s] birth and the other
the loss of the eye.
-- By my head, the lord said, it can well be
[thus], and we will know it [for sure] in [the fullness of] time.
Then he said:
[Refusal 2]
-- Young girl, take the pick and do as [did]
the other one.
-- [My] lord, she said, if you do not tell me
the reason why I would commit such a folly, it would be an outrage to go
through with it.
-- Sire, said the wise man, again she speaks
true.
-- How? said the lord.
-- I will tell you, he said, according to my
understanding. If indeed the child were the burgher’s and his wife’s, they
have committed a great folly in poking out their eyes according to [the
fact] that no force has made them do it. And if [the poor girl] were to
poke out hers as well without any force [having been] applied, then she would
have committed an outrage.
-- By my head, said the lord, the girl is wise,
but I want to test her further.
So he called the child and said:
[Refusal 3]
-- Go to your [other] lady and tell her to lead
you to your mother, or else I will have her head cut off.
The child came to the girl and told her accordingly.
When he had told her, [as] the true mother [she] took him by the hand and
said to him while kissing him:
-- Sweet friend, they make you say what they
want.But for [all] this the truth will not stir.
Then [fol. 151a] the wise man said again:
-- Now you will see that she will not change
her mind [and pretend not to be his mother] despite whatever you have told
her.
-- How is this? said the lord.
-- Has she not done [according to] your command?
he said.
-- In which manner? said the lord.
-- Did you not see, he said, that when the child
had said what you had ordered him to say, she took him by the hand and
pulled him toward her saying that the truth did not change at all [simply]
because he had not understood [that the woman who had led him was his mother]
[and had therefore] erred? That was to say that she was his mother, nor
would anybody but herself lead him [to herself], out of the fear [all] had
of your threat.
-- How, he said, could I know this?
-- By [my] faith, he said, you are crazy if you
don’t perceive it.
-- I do, he said, very well, but counsel me [as
to] what I have to do.
-- By [my] faith, he said, willingly. You will keep this thing aside [for
now] and you will pretend as well that you don’t know the truth about it,
for you cannot [yet] take [possession of] your claim [to the burgher’s
and his wife’s property]. And furthermore you have nothing as long as anyone
of them is alive, instead they will enlarge [their property] before they
reduce it. And if you call their bluff regarding their malice,
it could definitely not be that you don’t err in
this case. But let them now [be] and tell them this proverb: “[She] who
loves [her child] more than a mother is [like] a crazy nurse” [“The burgher’s
wife who pretends to love ‘her’ child more than its real mother is like
a crazy nurse”].
-- You have spoken well, went then the lord.
Thereupon the burgher and his wife were called
and the lord said to them:
-- “Crazy is the nurse who [like you] loves [her
child] more than the mother.” Just as much can I tell you, says the lord
to the burgher and to his wife, if you had not loved [or pretended to love]
your child too much, [this situation] would definitely not have befallen you
[and you would have prevented me from getting your property].
-- Ha, [my] lord, they say, for the grace of
God, if we had acted differently, you would never have believed that [the
child] was ours.
--So now go away, he went.
Then they departed [fol. 151b] from there and
went back to their house in this manner.
[…]
When the burgher and his wife had returned to
their house they believed well that their lord had noticed nothing, and
so it was that they felt themselves much diminished
[in] that each one had thus lost an eye, but this they
could not reverse, so it had to be suffered. It came to pass that the child
grew and developped until he came to the age of fifteen years, and the
story said that he was so wise and [so] full of very great cunning concerning
the enemy that he knew where he had come from and how the lord of the land
would dispossess him of what he was to have. So he did so much by [means
of] his gifts and by intrigue that he was entirely lord over him. And so
long did he go on that he put him to death by poisons that he gave him.
And when he had done this he acquired so many friends through the great
presents that he gave [out] that he put the entire country under his control.
In that he was thus lord of the country, he thought to himself that he was
too dependent and [that] the burgher and his wife held great power over
him, so he gave them [some] of his poisons to drink and put them to death
before time and before hour. And then he went and rose so far [fol. 151c]
through his malice that he was entirely lord of the empire of Constantinople.
It is impossible to see how the empress can use this
story as an argument against her supposedly power-hungry and therefore
patricidal stepson. The proverb summing up what Le Roux
de Lincy has called “une imitation assez curieuse
du jugement de Salomon” (Le livre des proverbes […], p. xviii),
namely “Crazy is the nurse who loves [her child] more than the mother”,
is attested in numerous medieval proverb collections.
Anthenor
[Jesse’s, the fifth sage’s story]
Jesse’s story partially mirrors the frame narrative:
the emperor there and king Anthenor here have remarried; both have a child
from their first marriage, a son in the frame, a daughter here, against
whom each one’s second wife spins her intrigue; the (step)son is used as
a warning against an heir usurping his father’s power, the (step)daughter
is simply an obstacle in the wife’s socio-political ambitions. In the overall
scheme of the frame it is Jesse’s turn to demonstrate the evil that is woman.
Anthenor’s second wife fits this objective moderately well in that she
plots to have the emperor marry her daughter from a previous marriage instead
of Anthenor’s daughter from his first wife. She succeeds by spreading the
rumour that her stepdaughter is frigid and by convincing her that the emperor
is impotent. But irony wills that her daughter does not bear the emperor
an heir and that her stepdaughter is happily married to the king of Greece.
And injustice wills that Anthenor suffers the emperor’s wrath, while nothing
is said about his wife’s fate, whereby the persuasive force of Jesse’s story
is considerably lessened.
[fol. 151d] In this place begins master Jesse
his story and speaks in this manner
Anthenor was king of Araby at the time of Caesar
who conquered that empire. He had had a wife, from her he had a young [fol.
152a] lady as daughter. Much did the father love and cherish her for her
[good] sense and her beauty, for in all the kingdom there was no one as
beautiful or as wise. And with all this the country loved her much, for
when[ever] a disturbance happened in the land and in the country, she was
had the means and put things [back] in order, wherefore her [good] sense
was much praised. It happened as it had to happen that Anthenor heard [people]
talk about the queen of Armenia who was [almost] too beautiful, and the
talk went so [far] that the one had the other by marriage. Now then this
lady had a very beautiful daughter, too, whom she loved like a mother [should].
Caesar, the emperor of Rome, was these days without a wife, and the princes
came to him and convinced him that he should get married. And he said that
in that case they should seek him a wife. And they had
the agreed-upon view that they knew no one as wise
and as beautiful as the daughter of Anthenor, the king of Araby. So Caesar
ordered [that people] be sent to seek her out. So the most praised [men]
of the empire got ready and came to Araby. But before they talked to the
king they had their arrival made known. When king Anthenor knew this news
he was very joyful about it. Then he let his barons know that they should
all come to him in order to honour the princes of Rome more [than was customary].
It came to pass that the queen knew [about] this thing [and] that she very
much had a great desire to confirm this marriage for her [own] daughter,
[a marriage] that she would otherwise have [already] well pursued. Then came
the night when Anthenor was with his wife who knew very well [how] to attract
him and said:
-- [My] lord, one thing I know well to tell you,
[namely] that if you do not have good [fol. 152b] advice about this marriage
that you want to make, you can come to great confusion because of it.
-- How? said Anthenor.
-- [My] lord, she said, no man can have her as
a [sexual] companion, and she does not have it in her power [to do anything
about it].
-- How, he said, do you know it?
-- [My] lord, may God truly help me, I know it
for sure.
-- [My] lady, he said, be careful [what you say
about] this.
-- In God’s name, she said, I tell the whole
truth.
-- By [my] faith, Anthenor said, about this I
am very angry and I have given it bad consideration.
-- [My] lord, she said, I will advise you well.
I have here my daughter with me, who is very refined and wise, you will
say to the princes of Rome that she is your daughter and that you love her
much [to be] with my lord the emperor, and they will well believe that it
be she whom they ask for.
-- [My] lady, said then Anthenor, you speak well,
and I will do it upon your advice.
Thus the night went by and it came to the next
morning when the princes of Rome had come and made their message to the
king who knew [how] to make them very welcome and made for them great festivities
and said that he was very glad that the emperor wanted to have his daughter
who was very beautiful and marvelously wise. Then Anthenor took his council
aside and said to them:
-- Handsome lords, see here these princes of
Rome who have come for my [very own] daughter, this you see well. But now
it is thus that one has let me know that it is not in her power to be
with a man, so I am very disturbed by it. And because I do not want at
all to do this thing without your advice, I have made you come to me.
Then spoke a wise man and said:
-- [My] lord, how do you know that this is true
what you say about my lady?
-- By my head, he said, as late as last night
I did not know anything about it. But [fol. 152c] her stepmother has given
me to understand it.
-- How little wise you are, that one said, to
believe her stepmother about a matter with respect to which she would want
to advance herself before anybody else.
-- By my head, you have spoken the truth. It
behooves [us] therefore to find out first of all from my daughter how things
stand in his matter.
-- You speak the truth, that one goes, let’s
go speak to her in council and privately.
So Anthenor put himself between [the wise man]
and [a] young knight [of his council] and [together] they came to the young
lady who had already been taught what her stepmother wanted to work toward
[, namely that the emperor was impotent]. Then the father reasoned with
her and said to her:
-- Daughter, tell me how it suits you that my
lord the emperor wants to have you for [his] wife?
-- In God’s name, father, she said, he will never
have me with my good will.
-- Why, daughter? the father said.
-- I do not wish to tell you anything further
about it now, she goes.
Then Anthenor came to the knight and said to
him confidentially:
-- I know for sure that things are as I told
you [: my daughter does not want the emperor].
-- By my head, said the knight, I will not believe
it, rather [I think] that her stepmother has arranged this.
-- She did not, said Anthenor, you will doubt
it at your peril.
So it came to pass that Anthenor believed his
wife about what she made him understand, and [he believed] the young girl
about the other thing, [namely] that it was not in Caesar’s power to have
a woman’s company by which he might procreate. Thus treated [Anthenor’s
wife] the father and the daughter, whence it came to pass that in this malicious
situation the barons of the kingdom recommended to their lord that, since
it was thus that the girl did not want the emperor, he did not send him
anything else but a wise excuse. This thing he did not at all want to do
without the opinion of his wife. Therefore he came to her and told her
how his barons advised him what to do.
-- [My] lord, she said, this you will not do
at all. But the emperor would greatly despise your ex- [fol. 152d]cuse,
and he would not at all believe that the thing went differently. You will
send him my daughter instead of yours, and thus through the will of mine
you will have love and confederation with Caesar who is very vainglorious
and proud.
-- You have spoken well, Anthenor went then.
So it came to pass that Anthenor against the
opinion of his barons sent his stepdaughter instead of his daughter to
the emperor. Thence it then happened to him that this young lady was with
the emperor for a long time without any child being able to be born of this
[union]. On the other side Anthenor’s girl [and] daughter was sought by
the king of Greece. The father came to her and said:
-- Now I don’t know which excuse to have concerning
this request.
-- Which excuse, she said, do you want to have
then?
Anthenor said:
-- Concerning what I have heard about [the fact]
that it is not in your power to know [in the biblical sense] [a] man.
-- You have had, she said, poor understanding,
for I don’t know at all that this is true.
-- And why, he said then, did Caesar the emperor
of Rome not please you?
-- Because, she said, I heard that he himself
does not have the power [to do] what you are putting onto me.
Then Anthenor knew how his wife had deceived
her/him. Thence it happened to him afterwards that his daughter wants to
have the king of Greece and had from him in the first year a very handsome
son. Treason which cannot at all be hidden all the time obliged Caesar to
know this thing. Because of which he was so [much] out of his mind that
he had Anthenor destroyed without any counterforce that he [, Anthenor,]
might have been able to have from [any] man who could have helped him.
Spurius
[The empress’s sixth story]
[fol. 153c] Of the evil stepson
Honour and shame make me say that once in the city of Babylon there
was a sultan who was very much an expert of the law of the Saracens. It
came to pass that one day he had had a battle with the Christians from [amongst]
whom he took in this battle a Christian knight who was very brave and
wise and of grand stature. And because of this the sultan had him have
a very honest prison and made him often and quickly eat in front of him.
That one was marvelously handsome and gracious, and [so it went] until
one of the sultan’s wives once saw the knight and said to herself that the
Christian did much to [make people] love [him], and [that] she would do
so [regarding] him. So she did so much that she let him know that, if he
wanted to do as much as to come to her in order to do his will [with her]
and [if] she were to [try to] conceive from him until a male heir came from
it, she would do [what it took in order] for him to convert a great portion
of the Saracens’ law to Christian law. The knight coveted the lady who [fol.
153d] was very beautiful a grant devise, and more for the sin of the flesh
than for another good. So long went on this affair until one had company
with the other several times, and it came to pass that the lady was left
pregnant. The sultan knew [full] well in what state the lady was, but he
did not at all believe that this was [caused] by anybody but himself, so
he had her most richly looked after like the one whom he loved more than
all the others. So long went the lady’s pregnancy that she had a male heir,
about which the sultan was as delighted as [if it had been] a marvel. But
as soon as the lady had lain her time [in bed], it behooved [her] to die
of an illness that she had taken while giving birth, and it behooved her
to go to [her] end. The sultan made himself very sad because of it and ordered
[that] the child be taken care of caringly. For he had [as] a plan that he
would give him his land after him because of the love he had had for the
mother. That one got much better and grew within twenty years. So then he
was as tall as the father and was so chivalrous that the father marveled
very greatly whence this great chivalry came to him and how he dared undertake
what he did. And so much I tell you about that one, [namely] that the sultan
was little appreciated in the country, except for the son who came every
day while the father, it seemed to them, went into decline. And it came
to pass that one day the barons of the country assembled and say that
it would be a good thing if their young man were totally in possession
of the sultanate, for the father could henceforth help himself [only] poorly.
All to a single word they agreed to it. Then it came to pass that a Christian
king was in the land of Jerusalem and did many [fol. 154a] an evil to their
people. The princes came to the sultan and say to him that they advise that
he undo himself of the sultanate and make his son its lord. When the sultan
heard this he was so sad and so out of [his] mind that he swore [by] all
his gods that he would never have a stake in the land, rather he would have
him destroyed. So one night he had his son taken and put and had him put
in prison in order to detain him. But the princes did so much that night
that the son came to the father and killed him in sight of his men.
Cardamum
[Lentulus’s, the sixth sage’s story]
[fol. 154c] This is the exemplum of Cardamum
the senechal
[fol. 154d] It is an honourable thing to comport
oneself wisely in this century according to the adversities and the tribulations
that God consents to exist in this mortal life, as did once Cardamum the
senechal of Persia. For as we find in our writings, Barbarus was king of
Persia. He had had a wife, and from her he had a young girl for a daughter
whom he loved as much as you will hear henceforth. And it came to pass that
a great problem arose for this Barbarus outside his land where it behooved
him to go with all his might. He loved much his senechal because of [his]
very great intelligence and the knighly quality that was in him. Now he
did not know which [option] to carry out: either take his senechal with
him to [solve] that problem, or leave him in his land to protect it and
his daughter, about which [choice] he had the greatest doubt as to the thing
he would have to do. It came to pass that the love he had for his daughter
surpassed everything else [and] made him leave it to Cardamum to protect
his daughter and his land. He had his men assemble and started out to where
he had [his] problem. Cardamum remained [fol. 155a] with the girl who was
but eleven years old and had the name of Caradiane from her mother. The senechal
looked at her and saw [that she was] very beautiful, and with that he knew
that she was wise for her time. So he said within himself that very great
treason would commit he who would treat the girl badly while she was charged
to him. Therefore he reflected in which manner he could make for better
protection [for her]. He who paid attention to the good [in the world] saw
within himself that he could not offer [her] better protection than to teach
her [how to do] good works and [how] to be carefully close [to him], whereby
no man nor any woman could say or do a thing to her that was not good. So
he said to her one day:
-- My very dear girl, much you must love the god who has made
you so beautiful that all those who see you fill with joy about your beauty.
-- Verily, sire, she said, if [only] he had given me [good] sense whereby
I [could] know [how] to know and love him, whereby I would do his work
on earth in order to have the reign of heaven which lasts for all days!
When the senechal heard her say this he was very joyous and said to
her:
-- My very dear girl, I will have you have a master who regarding this
will teach you what it is about.
-- Well have you spoken, she went then.
So the senechal had a good cleric and expert in the Saracens’ law come
[to her]. This one began to teach the girl about the law [and] what it
was about. But she into whom the Holy Ghost had descended took his speech
away from him and made him convinced of everything [s]he said, so that by
the power of grace and wisdom he converted to what she said. When the senechal
knew this, he himself could not [do] better than to agree with her. Then
she acted [further] until she [came to] know a holy man [fol. 155b] of the
law of the Christians. This one came before her and then looked at her and
saw that she was enlightened by the beauty of the seven gifts of the Holy
Ghost. So he spoke to her and she to him and they agreed fully that the holy
man found more good in her than she in him. Thus these three [Caradiane,
Cardamum and the cleric] were converted with the help of God’s misericord,
and to the good happiness of the senechal and of the girl. So it came to
pass that the senechal had this thing done so secretly that there was nobody
who paid any attention to it.Thence it came to pass that when the father
[Barbarus] had returned [from abroad], he had contracted the marriage of
the girl and the one with whom he had had to deal. Then he had her come before
him and said to her what agreement he had negotiated between her and him.
So the girl replied to the father and said to him:
-- Father, this thing cannot be done without my agreement
and accord.
-- And in that case I cannot prevent, he said, my war[like problem]
to begin again.
-- Handsome father, she said, I have no misgivings about your peace
[with your adversary],yet I like the war between the two of you better than
my not having to keep toward my God what I have vowed to Him.
-- What thing, he said then, have you vowed to Him?
-- Father, she said, myself wholly, that is body and soul.
-- Because of this, he said, you will not in the slightest fail in
[your promise]?
-- No, she said, if it pleases Him.
-- It behooves you to have the one I tell [you], goes the father.
-- Never will I have him, she said, [not even] for the [greatest] thing
that there may be. For I like much better that you break your agreement
than I mine.
What would I tell you? So long went the things of this affair that
it behooved the girl’s father to learn how she had been converted and had
vowed her virginity to our Father Jesus Christ. When the father heard this
he was very angry, and so [it went] until in the end he knew how the senechal
had agreed to it. And so this Barbarus does not want, out of the love he had
for his daughter and for his senechal, that the two be martyrized and put
to death. Whence it came to pass that this Barbarus became enraged and died
a vile [and] ugly death.
Assassinus
[The empress’s seventh and last story]
This is the story of “The Old Man of the Mountain,” literature
on which fills whole libraries. In the empress’s scheme of arguments against
patricidal sons the story has little value, unless one argues that the
frame’s (step)son resembles one of the children being raised as future
assassins. Its inclusion merits attention for another reason: while the
story was known at least since Marco Polo (1298), its
particular combination of the motif of the paradisiacal garden with the
motif of the underground education can be traced back to Odorico da Pordenone (1286-1331), a missionary to
the Middle and Far East (India, China) who wrote about his travels; Version
M can thus be dated fairly safely to the beginning of the 14th century.
[fol. 156b] The exemplum of the Hakesin who
kills man
[fol. 156c] It is true that there are some great lords in
the land of the Saracens who have small children one half year old taken
and and have them raised by a woman in cisterns where they cannot see any
distraction nor any amusement. And when they are so big that they know well
[how] to understand what one says to them, then one has lodgings made in
such a manner that they are inside the earth and that one can see from them
other manors which are noble and full of all [kinds of] distractions like
meadows and gardens and noble orchards. And then there are ladies and damsels
and knights who distract and amuse themselves and sing and create the greatest
joy[ful environment] that one can create. And so those children whom one
raises in those cisterns see them. So they ask what [kind of] people they
are whom they see comport themselves so nobly. Then those who initiate them
tell them that they are those who have killed the Christians. And then they
have the very great [desire] to know in which manner [fol. 156d] they can
come to such joy that everyone covets by nature. Then their masters tell them
that nobody can come to that before they have killed some Christian. And
so they have the very great desire to do [just] that, so that, when it comes
to pass that they are adult and fully grown up, one helps oneself to them
in such a way as I will tell you. When it comes to pass that a great pack of Christians comes into the
land of Jerusalem and there are some who are feared by the Saracens, they
take these Hakesins of whom I have spoken above and send them as messengers
to the Christians, and one tells them whom they must kill. And thus they
have the Christians murdered by those unfortunate ones of whom I have told
you here.
Notes
1. souffres vous [back]
2. vous souffres [back]
3. ne vous vaut [back]
4. vous me tenres cesti chose en respit [back]
5. se vous leur faisies ja sages de leur malisse
[back]
6. il se tinrent mout a dechiut [back]
7. il orent conseil [back]
8. meute [back]
9. Runte, Hans R. Li Ystoire de la
male marastre: Version M of the Roman des sept sages de Rome: A
Critical Edition [...]. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische
Philologie. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1974. lxii + 117 p. ISBN 3-484-52046-9.
[back]
10. Le Roux de Lincy, Antoine-Jean-Victor. Roman
des sept sages de Rome en prose [...]. Paris: Techener, 1838, p. xviii.
[back]
11. Paris, Gaston-Bruno-Paulin. Deux rédactions
du Roman des sept sages de Rome. Paris: Didot, 1876, p. XXVI. [back]
Three stories from
Cassidorus
too literally translated by
Hans R. Runte
(from [AB 516] Palermo, Joseph, Le roman
de Cassidorus, 2 vols., Paris: A. & J. Picard, 1963, 1964)
In the first part of the Cassidorus
Continuation (comprising twenty-four stories), Rome’s twelve nameless princes
are duelling against the empress Helcana on whether the emperor Cassidorus
should or should not marry. The princes’ stories are meant to advise against
marriage (which, according to the stars, would hasten their death), whereas
Helcana’s stories want to entice Cassidorus to marry her (which he does
in the end)
Helcana’s sixth and eighth rebuttals recall
the stories inclusa and Virgilius in the Seven Sages
canon.
In the second part (comprising fourteen stories), after Helcana’s death
and Cassidorus’s marriage to the empress of Rome, Rome’s seven sages are
duelling against Helcanus, Cassidorus’s and Helcana’s son, on whether the
twelve princes should or should not be executed for having conspired against
Helcana and her marriage to Cassidorus. The sages’ stories are meant to defend
the princes and their stance against marriage and women, whereas the intent
of Helcanus’s stories is to have the princes convicted of treason and executed
(which they are).
Helcanus’s seventh and concluding rebuttal recalls the story nutrix
in French Version M of the Seven Sages.
[inclusa]
[Helcana’s sixth story]
In the Seven Sages,
inclusa is told by the seventh sage against the empress as a cautionary
example of a craftily unfaithful woman. Helcana’s story goes up against the
princes’ opposition to marriage and celebrates woman’s persistence and faithfulness.
If there is an echo of inclusa in Cassidorus, it is a very
faint and much simplified one.
How the maiden [Helcana] tells Cassidorus
her story
[MS. Paris, Bibl. nat. f. fr. 22548, fol.
197ra] There was once a king in Frisia
who could not [fol. 197rb] have a wife who would be able to please
him. So it came to pass that as soon as he had one of them [women] in his
bed and she did not please him, he had her killed the next day, as noble
a woman as she may be, and [this went on] until he was renowned for it everywhere.
It came to pass that he heard speak of a lady, daughter of one of his country’s
princes. He had her summoned by a knight of his. This [latter] did not
dare contradict [the king] in this matter, and he saw the girl and told
her that such was [the king’s wish]. The girl said that she is much delighted
by it, for she could not apply herself [to anything] better than to having
in her lord a friend, and [that] he was doing her a very great honour. When
the father heard her speak thus, he had very great pity for her, when she
had thus replied, for there was not a [single] woman in the entire country
who dared having [the king] for her husband. And he knew that his daughter
was the most beautiful and the most wise [woman] he knew, and he feared death
so little. The father had his daughter prepared as very nobly as he could,
and he himself had her put on a horse and led her to his lord, and he said
to him that he was giving him as a gift the most beautiful jewel that he
had. The king looked at the girl, who was marvelously beautiful, and in addition
she was cheerful, and so she pleased him much. He addressed her and said
to her:
-- Damsel, it seems to me that you are not astounded. Know that, if you
do not please me, I must do to you what I have done to the others.
She began to smile and said:
-- Sire, I do not doubt that, if you are not worse than another man,
I will please you reasonably [enough]. And if things were such that all
this is true, I would con- [fol. 197rc] sider myself well done
by, if you had had me, and then I would die by my lord’s will.
And when the king heard her speak thus, he felt very pleasant and said:
-- Damsel, because of the word[s] you have spoken to me I assure you
of my love, and you will have no concern, whatever may have to come to pass.
Thus the damsel won her lord’s love, and it came to pass that they were
so much together that the damsel was pregnant and delivered a very
beautiful girl. To the king she was almost too dear. And so it came to pass
that because of the great love he had for the girl, he had her kept so carefully
that he did not want anybody to go near her that could harm her. When she
was fifteen years old, he had her kept in a tower and put a young lady with
her to watch over and teach her. It came to pass that she grew in understanding
and in beauty, and was everywhere talked about, because of which the king
had a marvelous custom, for there was no one, not even a nobleman, to whom
he wanted to show her, if he did not serve him one year. Several served
him much because of this custom. It came to pass that the son of the duke
of Athens heard [people] talk about this, and it pleased him much to see
her. He put himself on the move and did not finish until he came to Frisia,
and he did his service very well and very beautifully. He came to the king
and said to him:
-- Sire, I have served you a year. I want to have my wage[s].
The king told him [that] whatever wages he was asking to receive he would
receive, for he had served him very well.
-- Sire, he said, you cannot pay me better than [to allow me] to [fol.
197va] see your daughter.
The king took him by the hand and led him into the tower and said to
him:
-- Here’s the beautiful jewel.
[T]he [duke’s son] saw the girl and and she [saw] him, and so much did
the one please the other that the fire of love ignited within them. The
young man was pensive and made a sign to the girl that she had his heart
entirely [and] excessively. She heard him well enough and in turn signified
immediately that she too gave hers over to him. The king did not notice
this thing but said:
-- [My] girl, adieu.
Then they departed from there and came to the palace. The young man took
his leave from the king and now put himself on the move to go to the country
whence he was. The girl remained in such a state [that she was] like the
one who thought often of the young man. Time passed and the king wanted
to marry his girl during his lifetime. The girl was much sought after by
one and all. The king of Hungary heard [people] talk about her and had her
requested. When the king of Frisia learned it, he was very pleased by it.
He came to the girl and told her that thus it was. And now the king of Hungary
wanted to have her.
-- Sire, she said, he is wrong, I do not care for him and never will
he have me for [his] wife.
When the father heard it, he was much angered by it and said:
-- Damsel, you will do it, for I do not know right now where you could
better plan [for your future].
-- If you do not know it, said the girl, it does not follow that somebody
else does.
-- So you will tell me [when] it [happens], said the king.
-- Never, by God, said she, will you know it from me ahead of time.
The king could not know whom she wanted, nor could anybody render her
reasonable. He put the damsels under torture, [to find out] if they knew
anything about it. There was not one [fol. 197vb] who said anything
about it, like [all] those who knew nothing about it. What did the king do?
He had his daughter so restrained that she did not see the light [of day]
for ten years, however much one managed to say to her, she did not want to
say anything about what she wanted. [Her] renown went very far and so [far]
that the young man [and son of the duke of Athens], who was already a knight,
heard [people] talk about it and thought well that this was for him. He
took to his route in the noblest manner he could and did not stop [until]
he came to Frisia. The king was in the country, and this [young man] spoke
to him and said:
-- Sire, I ask you for your daughter, for she must have none other than
me.
When the kinghears him he said:
-- Friend, I do not know whom she wants. What is your name?
-- Sire, he said, I am the duke of Athens and my name is Scalibor.
Then the king took him by the hand and led him before his daughter and
said:
-- Is this the one whom you want to be king after me?
-- Father, she said, He is truly it. Never will I have anybody else but
him.
So Scalibor had the girl thanks to her [good] sense, nor does she find
it worthwhile to love anybody else but him.
[Virgilius]
[Helcana’s eighth story]
In the Seven Sages, Virgilius is the empress’s
fifth story told as an example of male plotting and power-grabbing. Helcana’s
story, though less developed, echoes this message.
How the maiden [Helcana] told Cassidorus
a story about an emperor of Rome
[MS. Paris, Bibl. nat. f. fr. 22548, fol.
200rb] It is true that in the city of
Rome, where your ancester was born, there once was an emperor who was very
little loved by the barons of the country. There was in the city a mirror
like there still is. It was high on top of a great marble tower, and one
saw [in it] throughout the entire country those who wanted to do harm to
the city. It came to pass that there was a rich prince in the city who at
that time waged war against Rome. He thought to himself that as long as
the mirror was whole, he would not have power in the city. But this mirror
was protected so well that nobody who would want to do harm to it could
touch it, and if he did it, he was immediately destroyed. The prince who
waged war against Rome thought of a great ruse, for the emperor’s senechal
was well disposed toward him. He did so much that he talked to him and told
him a thing that you will hear [and] that he did. The emperor of Rome had
a very handsome son, and he was only five years old. The emperor loved him
as his child. The senechal took the [fol. 200rc] child in his
arms and, under the very great semblance of love, carried him into the tower
with the mirror, and there were several knights with him. They began to
play here and there in the lower part of the tower, and then the senechal
came and carried the child before the mirror. The child looked at the mirror
and saw in it him who held him and also himself. He began to laugh and stretches
his little hands toward it, and the senechal pulls him back and then puts
him close to [the mirror] in order to warm him. And when he saw that he
was eager to touch it, he put him so close that the child strikes with the
fist and felled and splintered the mirror, and huge pieces of it came down,
and thus the whole light of the mirror goes out. When the senechal has done
what he pursued, he shouted and made noise. Those who were close enough came
there and said:
-- Who did this?
The senechal said that the child broke
it. News if it came to the emperor, and he asked who had done this. One
told him, his son. The emperor does not want to kill his son. And therefore
it did not take long for him to be shamed and destroyed. When he who had
thought up the treason learned [what had happened], he fitted himself out,
himself and his people, and they entered Rome and took the emperor and his
son and put both of them to the sword.
[nutrix]
(see also above)
[Helcanus’s seventh story]
In Version M, nutrix is the empress's
fifth story. In Cassidorus, it is not only as muddled and unconvincing
as in Version M, it is also exceedingly long-winded. The story makes little
sense as the empress's example of patricidal sons, while fitting Helcanus's
pro-woman stance slightly better.
How the child [Helcanus] told his father
[Cassidorus]
a story about Vaspiour who begot a son with his daughter
[MS. Paris, Bibl. nat. f. fr. 22549,
fol. 66vb] In this country there once
was a man, sire, said the child, who had the name of Vaspiour. He had taken
a wife [and] from this wife he was left with a lovely damsel for a daughter.
But then it was customary at that time that certain people were vassals
and [that] those who were vassals could not have but one wife in their entire
life, and [that,] if there was no male heir of one’s [own] flesh, [one’s]
land remained with the lord from whom one held it. This Vaspiour was such
that he could not have from his wife any [male] fruit who could hold his
land. He was very sad, as someone [should] who had surpassed all his neighbours
in possessions. When he realized this, he envisaged a proud stratagem,
for his daughter was lovelier than all the ladies of the country. The father
said to her:
-- Beautiful daughter, I am very sad about the fact that after [fol.
66vc] me you will have nothing of my land.
She replied very wisely:
-- Father, I will have what I should have.
-- By my head, said the father, so this thing will go differently.
Whereupon they did so much to one another that the damsel was left pregnant
by [her] father. When he learned this he was overjoyed and came to his
daughter and said to her:
-- Pay close attention that no one will know that you are pregnant, except
your mother, and she will never know by whom this was, unless I let myself
be led [to tell her] about it.
And she said that she would act thus. Vaspiour said to his wife that
she was highly unrealistic to be so hard toward [t]he[i]r daughter that…
… -- she told me her private matters before [she told them to] you.
So he told her that she was, to his great sadness, pregnant by a man
who was not from the[ir] country. And when the mother learned it, she was
very angry and said:
-- Can this be true?
-- True, he said, but do you know what I have been thinking? I have been
thinking that you, too, will act as if you were pregnant, as she is, and
[that,] when she will be at the point where she must give birth, you will
pretend that the child is yours and mine, and if it is male, then that will
be better. And so we cannot better safeguard the honour of our daughter
and [of] her [gentle]man.
-- Well you speak, she said, but I am passed the natural term beyond
which I can reasonably no longer have child[ren].
-- Let it not bother you, he said, for there will be nobody to notice
it.
Thus was this stratagem well built. The damsel delivered a handsome son
at the point where she had to, and one believed [fol. 67ra] that
[Vaspiour’s wife] was his mother. The child developed and grew. His rightful
mother made no fuss about him. [Instead] she who had nothing [to do] with
the matter [i.e. Vaspiour’s wife] except what you have heard, showed him
such a sign of love that soon she turned up with him in whatever place where
the child was going. So many hardly believable signs of love did she show
him that it came to pass that the[ir] reputation went to the sovereign lord
under whom they were living.
The lord, who was subtle and malicious, wondered how a woman of such
an age could have [a] child, because of whom he could lose such riches as
[the child’s father] had gathered together. Therefore he had inquiries made
about her age, and the whole truth was told him; and so he ordered to look
for wise educated men who could know the truth about this [matter]. They
told him that it was against nature for her to have delivered [her son],
if what one had made them understand was true. When the lord learned this,
he had Vaspiour come before him and said to him:
-- Tell me the truth [in response] to my question.
-- Sire, he said, what is it?
So the lord told him that he knew [full] well that the child he took
for his [own] from his wedded wife wasn’t it at all. When Vaspiour heard
his lord, he thought indeed that [t]he [lord] knew the whole truth about
it [all], so he said:
-- Ha! sire, by God’s mercy, what then have you heard, [you] who say
such a thing?
-- I have heard a thing such, he said, [as to make me say] that if you
do not tell me [the] truth, I will have you destroyed.
-- Sire, he said then, if I knew that in exchange for telling the truth
you were to assure me that [fol. 67rb] in the process I would
have no misfortune [befall me], I would tell you the whole truth.
--- By my head, said the lord, never because of me will you lose in the
process.
So Vaspiour told him the whole truth, how he had been tempted by his
daughter, and he excused himself, for his honour and hers, for having done
in part in this matter what had been done there. And he said to his lord
that his wife did not at all know that the child was his, but [that] he
had made her understand that it was [the child] of a foreign man. When the
lord had heard these words, he was much moved and said:
-- By my head, crazily did you think taking away my right [to your riches].
So now I forbid you on your life to act similarly with my knowledge toward
your wife, and [I order you] absolutely not to tell her but to let me deal
with it.
Vaspiour was overjoyed when [he realized that] he could to this point
get away with [his stratagem]. The lord had his [i.e. Vaspiour’s] wife and
his daughter come before him. He first argued with the lady and said to her:
-- Is this child yours?
-- And whose would he be, she said, if not mine?
The lord replied:
-- Your daughter’s who is of a better age than you.
-- Sire, she said, my daughter never had a child, rather it is mine.
-- And do you love him as [much as you love] yourself?
And the lady answered him that she loved him more than herself.
-- You are a deceitful nurse, the lord said then, and this [whole affair]
I will understand in [the fullness of] time.
Then the lord came to the damsel and said to her:
-- One has made me understand that this child is yours. Tell me the truth
about it.
-- Sire, she said, if he we- [fol. 67rc] re mine, it would
be against what is right and against what is reasonable.
When she had said this, there was no one who understood her to be right,
except the lord who for her answer [privately] praised her greatly in his
heart, for he understood [full] well that she told the truth [about her
not wanting to be known as an incestuous, unmarried mother] and [in public]
he considered her honour before those who heard her. Afterwards he asked
still another question:
-- Is the child nothing to you?
-- Sire, she said, he is my brother [as well as my son, Vaspiour being
our common father].
-- Well I believe, said the lord [, lying], that you tell the truth.
So tell me now how much you love him.
She said:
-- I wouldn’t know how to tell you the truth about it, for I have never
put myself to the test about it.
When the lord heard her, her answer pleased him a good deal. Then he
shouted for the child and said to him:
-- Go and take this brooch to your mother and tell her: Mother, let the
one between the two of us whom you love more [keep] both eyes in the head,
and tear the third [eye] from the other head, for so it behooves [us] to
act.
The child who had not yet at all a very great understanding came to the
old woman whom he believed to be his mother and told her everything in such
a manner as the lord ordered him. She was entirely astounded by this thing
and looked at her lord and said:
-- Sire, by God, why do you say such a thing?
-- Because, he said, I want to.
She suspected worse [to happen]; on the other hand she knew perfectly
well that she was being tested [regarding the stratagem] according to which
she [and Vaspiour] would be able to deceive him. And still she loved the
child so much and had her heart put into it so much that she rather had a
misdeed and an evil thing [done to herself] than [to] him. And so she [fol.
67va] took the brooch [that was] in the child’s hand and, in
[plain] view of all those who were there, made one of her eyes fly from her
head, and then she said to him:
-- Sire, she said, I fulfilled your wish, but I have very dearly paid
for it. Sire, you can well see it.
Thereupon the lord said:
-- Even if you had loved [him] more [than usual] as a mother, such [a
sacrifice] was never my intention.
And when she heard the explanation, she truly realized that misplaced
love and false greed had deceived her. Now she went to the lord, at [his]
feet, and said to him [and asked] that she receive mercy from him according
to the misdeed that she had done. And then the lord had pity on her and said
to her:
-- As much you let others enjoy their mercy, as much may you have yours.
-- Sire, she said, great thanks.
And it came to pass then that the child was grown up, and he and his
[biological] mother were hated by those of the town, so that by necessity
it was appropriate to empty the house of the damsel and her son. So it
came to pass that the child, when he saw this, took leave of his mother
and said that he would go outside the region until this thing had blown
over. Such as he planned it, so he carried it out. The old lady who took
to hating her daughter and her husband who had persuaded her to do this,
said to herself that just as she had bought so she would resell. […]
[Vaspiour’s wife falsely accuses her daughter of theft; the latter is
incarcerated: fol. 67va-68ra]
[fol. 68ra] […] [A]nd it came to pass that the daughter’s
son came [back] from foreign lands, [he] who like those [others] had become
a great learned man. There was nobody in the city who recognized him, nor
did he want to let himself be known. He inquired about his mother as if
he knew nothing about her. It was told him that she had been put in prison,
such as you have heard. When he learned this he was altogether astounded,
and he did not know for anger what he could do. In this rage he did not say
anything that one could have noticed, rather he waited until he came to
a wise man and had thought about his business. He asked him about certain
things concerning his mother’s rights, and he [i.e. the wise man] told him
that it was true that the lord, to whom it fell to take the law [and apply
it], would not have had her judged of his [own] authority.
-- By God, sire, he [i.e. the son] said, well do I believe you in this,
but [fol. 68rb] one thing I would like to ask of you.
-- Which one? he said.
-- That you let the lady [my mother] have [a judgment under] the law,
and as such you would grant her a great advantage.
Then the wise man looked at him and said:
-- How wise are you to say this? Do you want then to put the damsel to
death?
-- Sire, no, but I will rather save her.
-- If you can through so much save her, the wise man said, that would
be a beautiful masterpiece.
-- Sire, yes, [and] rightfully [so].
So he said and did so much that the wise man came to the lord and asked
him on behalf of the damsel that she have [a judgment under] the law, and
that he let her have [it], for in prison she did not want to be day after
day. The lord replied that, since his/her request was such, he did not want
to refuse her/him this. The day was chosen for the damsel to be saved or
destroyed. When her mother learned this, she was very angry, for she knew
perfectly well that her daughter was to be put to death on the ground of the
[false] proof that had been established [that she was a thief], yet she had
not deserved it. And the [state of] rage in which she had been, had passed;
she was rather very repentant [about the time] when she had pursued her; and
[yet all] this was too late, for it behooved her to continue her complaint
[against her daughter], if she did not want to be herself in her [daughter’s]
situation. But this she would not do at all, for, since [things] were thus,
she would not be so crazy as to lose her life, as she had been [when she lost]
her eyesight. The day came when one was to judge the dam- [fol. 68rc]
sel. The lord had those come who had to judge her, and the old lady [,
her mother] was called, and one asked her, concerning the [allegedly stolen]
cup which had been found in the straw of her daughter’s bed, if it was hers.
-- Sire, said then the old lady, truly it is mine.
-- Who knows this? said then the lord.
So she could not by herself prove that it was hers, nor could [her husband]
Vaspiour prove it, nor did he want [to prove] any day of his life that
he wanted to rescue the damsel from death. When the provost saw this, he
was all astounded. And he asked the damsel whose cup it was. She said that
it was not hers.
-- Whose then? the provost said.
-- Sire, she went then, several times I saw it at my father’s, as far
as I know.
When he heard this, […] they began to look at one another. Then the [son
who had become a] learned man came forward and said:
-- Handsome sires, by what are you astounded? By hearing the truth?
When they had heard him, they were still further astounded than before,
when he undertook to speak to such a thing. The lord called him and asked
him from where he was. He replied to him:
-- Sire, I am he who knows the truth about this thing.
-- By my head, said the lord, you we well need. So now make us wise [and
enlighten us] about it [all].
So it came to pass that the [son and] learned man, who knew the truth
about this thing, according to what his fate and his experience had taught
him, said to the old lady who had for many a day raised him:
-- Woman outside nature, where reason fails and has been in you diminished
a good deal, why have you pursued your [own] death [fol. 68va]
before natural death summons you?
Then she looked at him and now recognized him by certain things and was
[so] astonished that she did not know what to do or say, except that at last
she said [and asked] why he was saying it.
-- Because, said he, you yourself have lit the fire by which you will
be burnt.
And the learned man said then that, if she were to exculpate the other,
whom she had accused, she would do well, for she had wrongly done it, and
that, if she were not exculpate her, he would tell the whole treason such
as she had perpetrated it. She did not want to acknowledge this at this
time, and when the learned man saw it, he told the lord and the provost
the whole affair such as it had gone [and] that he did not want to lie about
anything [connected] with it. The lord and the others who had heard this
did not know whether this was true, so they said:
-- Master, how will we be able to know [whether] this [is true]? If we
are not otherwise [made] wise about it, this [our current understanding]
is not enough.
Thereupon the learned man put the old [lady] under oath, such that she
could not deny it but acknowledged that everything had happened as he had
said.
When the judges heard this, they marvelled greatly as to why she wanted
to rob her daughter of her life without reason. Then a fire was lit and the
old [lady] was thrown into it. When Vaspiour saw this thing, he did not
know how to counsel himself, when because of him [fol. 68vb]
wife was destroyed. Consequently he was [something] like totally desperate.
From now on he emerged from his house and went away into exile.